Seattlemicromedia

NewMediaPower:TheInternetandGlobalActivismW.
LanceBennettCopyrightprotectedunderW.
LanceBennett.
Permissiontociteshouldbedirectedtotheauthor.
(ChapterinCONTESTINGMEDIAPOWER,EditedbyNickCouldryandJamesCurran,RowmanandLittlefield,2003)Prospectsforcontestingmediapowermayappeartobesmallertodaythanever.
Observersnoteacombinationofglobalmediatrendsthathavediminishedthequantity,quality,anddiversityofpoliticalcontentinthemassmedia.
Thesetrendsinclude:growingmediamonopolies,governmentderegulation,theriseofcommercializednewsandinformationsystems,andcorporatenormsshunningsocialresponsibilitybeyondprofitsforshareholders(Bagdikian,2000;McChesney,1999;Herman&Chomsky,1988).
IntheUnitedStates,thequesttodeliverconsumerstoadvertiserswithlowcostcontenthasdramaticallyshrunkthespaceforevenmainstreamnewsaboutpolitics,government,andpolicy(Bennett,2003a;Patterson,1993,2000).
Thepoliticalspacethatremainsisincreasinglyfilledbynewsformulasbasedonscandal,mayhem,andpersonalityprofiles(Bennett,2003a).
Theseconditionsareclearlylesssevereinsystemswithdominantpublicservicecommitments,buteventhevenerableBritishnewssystemhasundergonesubstantialupheavalascommercialpressureshavereducednewsprogrammingonprivatechannels(Semetko,2000),andtheformidableBBChasenteredaperiodofreinvention.
Theunansweredquestionis:HavethesechangesinmediasystemslimitedthecapacitiesofgroupscontestingestablishedpowerarrangementstocommunicatebothamongthemselvesandtolargerpublicsSincepoliticalcontentspacehasbeensacrificedtomorecommerciallyviableprogramming,itmightbeeasytoconcludethatpoliticalactivistsandminoritiesareevenfartherremovedfromthemassmediapicture.
Ifthisisthecase,thepoliticalviabilityofnewmovementsmightbeindoubt.
AsGermanpoliticalscientistJoachimRaschkestarklydescribedtheimportanceofmassmediaformovements:"Amovementthatdoesnotmakeitintothemediaisnon-existent.
"(quotedinRucht,forthcoming).
Despitethehyperboleinthisclaim,therearenotablecasesinwhichmedialogichasunderminedtheviabilityandevenchangedtheorganizationalcoherenceofmovements(Gitlin,1981).
Rucht(forthcoming)arguesthatstarkgeneralizationsaboutmediaandmovementsaredifficulttosupport,asdifferentprotesterashavebeencharacterizedbydifferentmediapatterns.
Gamson(2001)observesthatmediacoverageofcollectiveactionmovementsevenvariesconsiderablyfromissuetoissue.
Finally,mediaaccessalsovarieswiththepubliccommunicationstrategiesandorganizationmodelsadoptedbycausemovements,asindicatedinacomparativeanalysisofabortiondiscourseinGermanyandtheUnitedStates(Feree,Gamson,Gerhards,andRucht,2002).
Addingtothetheoreticalchallengeofgeneralizingaboutpatternsofmediapoweristhecorequestionofjustwhatwemeanbymediathesedays.
Withthefragmentationofmassmediachannelsandaudiences,andtheproliferationofnewdigitalcommunicationformats,itisdifficulttodrawsharpboundariesarounddiscretemediaspheres.
Asvariousmediabecomeinteractivelyconnected,informationflowsmoreeasilyacrosstechnological,social,andgeographicalboundaries.
Whichbringsustothesubjectofthischapter:theriseofglobalprotestnetworksaimedatbringingsocialjusticetotheneo-liberalworldeconomicregime.
Theseactivistnetworkshaveusednewdigitalmediatocoordinateactivities,planprotests,andpublicizeoftenhighqualityinformationabouttheircauses.
Considerableevidencesuggeststhatglobalactivistshavenotonlyfiguredouthowtocommunicatewitheachotherunderthemassmediaradar,buthowtogettheirmessagesintomassmediachannelsaswell(Bennett,forthcoming).
Manyactivistsaresharplycriticalofmassmediacoverage,oftenchargingthatthepressandofficialshavecriminalizedtheirprotestbehaviours.
However,itisalsoclearthatglobalactivistshaveneitherbeenisolatednordestroyedbymassmediafiltering.
ThedenseinformationnetworksoftheWebofferampleevidenceofinternalcommunication.
Largenumbersofmassactionsaroundtheworldhavereceivedextensive,ifgenerallynegative,mediacoverage.
Attheleast,suchcoveragesignalsthepresenceofamovementthatisdemandingasayinworldeconomicpoliciesandtheirsocialandenvironmentalimplications.
Finally,numerouscampaignsagainstcorporatebusinesspractices,tradeanddevelopmentpolicieshavereceivedfavourablecoverageinleadingmediaoutlets(Bennett2003b,forthcoming).
Thereislittleevidencethatglobalmediahavemarginalizedglobalprotest.
GeorgeMonbiotproclaimedintheGuardianthat"Thepeople'smovementsbeingdeployedagainstcorporatepowerareperhapsthebiggest,mostwidespreadpopularrisingseverseen"(Redden,2001,n.
p.
).
Thischapterexplorestheriseofglobalactivistnetworksthathavechallengedmassmediapower.
Myanalysisdoesnotignorethefactthatmanyconventionalmediapowerrelationsstillapplytotherepresentationoftheradicalsandtheircauses.
Asnotedabove,newscoverageofdemonstrations,bothinEuropeandtheUnitedStates,isoftenfilledwithimagesofviolenceandhooliganism.
Mostofthatcoveragemakeslittleefforttodescribethediversityofissuesanddemandsinthemovement--opting,instead,tolumpthemalltogetherunderthelargelyjournalisticconstruction"anti-globalization.
"Norhaveactivistsnetworkedandcommunicatedsoeffectivelythattheyhavesomehowputglobalcapitalismontherun.
AsSassen(1998)pointsout,thepreeminentusesofglobalcommunicationsnetworksremaintheeffortsofcorporationsandgovernmentstostrengthentheneoliberaleconomicregimethatdominateslifeontheplanettoday.
Allofthissaid,impressivenumbersofactivistshavefollowedthetrailofworldpowerintorelativelyunchartedinternationalarenasandfoundcreativewaystocommunicatetheirconcernsandtocontestthepowerofcorporationsandtransnationaleconomicarrangements.
Intheprocess,manyspecificmessagesaboutcorporateabuses,sweatshoplabor,geneticallymodifiedorganisms,rainforestdestruction,andtheriseofsmallresistancemovements,fromEastTimortosouthernMexico,havemadeitintothemassmediaontheirownterms(Bennett,forthcoming).
Moreover,indevelopingdirectpowerrelationswithglobalcorporations,activistshaveexploitedthevulnerabilityofcarefullydevelopedbrandimagesbytaggingthemwithpoliticallyunpleasantassociations.
Thethreatofholdingbrandshostageinthemediaspotlighthasbecomeanimportantpowertacticinthefightforgreatercorporateresponsibility(Bennett,2003b).
Thisanalysisisconcernedwithidentifyingwhatconditionsenableactiviststouseso-callednewmedia--mobilephones,theInternet,streamingtechnologies,wirelessnetworks,andthehighqualitypublishingandinformationsharingcapacitiesoftheWorldWideWeb–tocommunicatethemessagesoftheirprotestnetworksacrossbothgeographicalandmediaboundaries.
Thephrasingofthisquestionisimportanttoreiterate.
Ihavetalkedelsewhereabouthowactivistsareusingnewmediatopromotetheircauses(Bennett,2003b,forthcoming).
Whatismissingfrommyaccountthusfar,andfrommanyothersaswell,isanunderstandingofthesocial,psychological,political,andmediacontextsthatmakenewmediaparticularlyconducivetoenhancingthepowerofthisglobalactivistmovement.
Toputtheissuestarkly:theInternetisjustanothercommunicationmedium.
Admittedly,theNethasanumberofdistinctivedesignfeaturesandcapabilities,butthesedifferencesdonotinherentlyornecessarilychangewhoweareorwhatwedotogether.
However,personaldigitalmediaoffercapacitiesforchangeifpeoplearemotivatedbyvariousconditionsintheirenvironmentstoexploitthosecapacities.
Inshort,whetherwegoshoppingormakerevolutionontheInternet–andhowtheshoppingtriportherevolutioncomparestoitslessvirtualcounterparts–aremoretheresultsofthehumancontextsinwhichthecommunicationoccursthantheresultofthecommunicationmediathemselves(Agre,2001).
Theremainderofthischapteraddressestheinteractionsbetweennewmediaandthesocialconditionsthanhaveenabledtheirusesforoftenimpressivepoliticalends.
AssessingthePoliticalSignificanceoftheInternetMuchoftheattentiontotheInternetandpoliticshasbeendirectedattheplaceswheretheleastsignificantchangeislikelytooccur:intherealmofconventionalpolitics.
Establishedorganizationsandinstitutionssuchasunions,politicalparties,governments,andelectioncampaignsarelikelytoadaptnewcommunicationtechnologiestotheirexistingmissionsandagendas.
Thus,itbecomeshardtoseetransformativeeffectsbeyondreducingthespeedorcostofexistingcommunicationroutines.
However,inareasinwhichnewpatternsofhumanassociationareemerginginresponsetonewissues--andnewformsofpoliticalactionaredevelopingaswell--newcommunicationoptionshavethepotentialtotransformbothpoliticalorganizationandpoliticalpowerrelations.
(ForareviewofdifferentpoliticalapplicationsandeffectsoftheInternet,seeGraber,Bimber,Bennett,Davis&Norris,forthcoming).
Asnotedabove,therecentperiodhasbeenmarkedbyimpressivelevelsofglobalactivism,including:massdemonstrations,sustainedpublicitycampaignsagainstcorporationsandworlddevelopmentagencies,andtheriseofinnovativepublicaccountabilitysystemsforcorporateandgovernmentalconduct.
AlloftheseactivitiesseemtobeassociatedinvariouswayswiththeInternet.
Insomecases,thesimpleexchangesofinformationinvolvedcouldalsobeaccomplishedbymail,phone,orfax.
Inthesecases,theinternetsimplyenhancesthespeedandlowersthecostsofbasiccommunication–atleastforthosewhohavecrossedthedigitaldivide.
Inothercases,however,theInternetandothertechnologiessuchascellularphonesanddigitalvideo,enablepeopletoorganizepoliticsinwaysthatovercomelimitsoftime,space,identity,andideology,resultingintheexpansionandcoordinationofactivitiesthatwouldnotlikelyoccurbyothermeans.
Evenforthosestillontheotherside,thedigitaldividecanbecrossedinsomecaseswiththeassistanceofgroupsdedicatedtotransferringtechnology.
Forexample,GreenpeacehasmadeeffortstoempowercontinuingvictimsoftheBhopaldisaster(www.
greenpeace.
org).
Communicationindistributednetworksbecomespotentiallytransformativewhennetworksspilloutsideofthecontrolofestablishedorganizations.
Networksthatarenotlimitedtotheagendasofanyoftheirmembersmay,undertherightconditions,becomesustainable,growingdemocraticorganizations.
Theymayexhibithighvolume,simultaneous,interactivecommunication,completewithweb-basedorganizingandplanning,andhyperlinkedpublicaccesstolargevolumesofpoliticallydiverseinformation.
Whennetworksarenotdecisivelycontrolledbyparticularorganizationalcenters,theyembodytheInternet'spotentialasarelativelyopenpublicsphereinwhichtheideasandplansofprotestcanbeexchangedwithrelativeease,speed,andglobalscope–allwithouthavingtodependonmassmediachannelsforinformationor(atleast,tosomeextent)forrecognition.
Moreover,thecoordinationofactivitiesovernetworkswithmanynodesandnumerousconnectingpoints,orhubs,enablesnetworkorganizationtobemaintainedevenifparticularnodesandhubsdie,changetheirmission,ormoveoutofthenetwork.
Indeed,thepotentialofnetworkedcommunicationtofacilitateleaderlessandvirtuallyanonymoussocialcommunicationmakesitchallengingtocensororsubvertbroadlydistributedcommunicationevenifitiscloselymonitored.
ThesepointsareelaboratedbyRedden:Thefactthatitisadecentralised,distributednetworkcurrentlymakesithardforanyelitetocontrolonlineactivities.
Itallowsfastone-to-one,one-to-manyandevenmany-to-manycommunicationinwebandconferencingforums.
Together,thetechnologicalandeconomicaspectsoftheNetallowforcheapself-publicationwithoutmediationbycorporatepublishing.
.
.
.
Ofcourse,cheapisarelativeterm.
TheNetischeap,notinabsoluteterms,butrelativetotheefficiencyofmessagedistribution.
Itisclearlynotapanaceathatguaranteesfreedomofspeechforall.
Butwhileitisnotaccessibletoeveryonewhohassomethingtosay,itdoesdramaticallyincreasethenumbersofpeoplewhocanaffordthetimeandmoneytodistributeinformationtranslocallytolargenumbersofotherpeople.
Inshort,itallowsindividualsandcommunitygroupstoreducetheinfluencegapbetweenthemselvesandwealthierorganizations(Redden,2001,n.
p).
Thecapacitytotransformtime,space,costs,andtheveryrolesofinformationproducersandconsumersalsoenablestherapidadaptationandtransformationofpoliticalorganizations,andthecreationofnewsortsofpowerrelationships(Bennett,forthcoming).
Forexample,ashortbutcreativepartnershipbetweenAdbusters(www.
adbusters.
org)andGreenpeace(www.
greenpeace.
org)createdacounterimagecampaignforCoca-Cola.
OneofthesubvertisementsfeaturedCoke'spolarbearicons,motherandcubs,huddledtogetheronameltingarcticiceflowasCoke'sfantasyconsumerworldsuddenlymergedwiththeharshenvironmentaleffectsofthegases(HFCs)Cokeemployedinitscoolingandbottlingprocesses.
Aspartofthispowerstruggle,arogueversionofthecompany'sactualwebsitewascreated,andCoke'scarefullycraftedconsumericonswerereplacedwithpoliticallydisturbingimages,includingthecoweringbears.
Thethreatofhijackingandsubvertingthecompany'sbrandedenvironmentduringitsbiggestcommercialevent,theOlympics,ledthecompanytomakeaquickbusinesscalculationandcommittochangingthechemicalsusedinitsmanufacturingprocess.
Onecangetasenseofthecommunicationpoliticsofthiscampaignbyvisitingtheroguesiteathttp://www.
cokespotlight.
org.
ForalookattheClimateChangebears,clickonactionandthenclickonprintaposter.
WhatKindsofOrganizationsAreGlobalActivistNetworksThetheoreticalvocabulariesusedtodescribehierarchicalWeberianorganizationsorbrokeredpoliticalcoalitions(e.
g.
,McAdam,Tarrow,andTilly,2001)capturesonlypartoftheshiftingsocialformationsofvast,linkednetworksofindividualsandorganizationsoperatinglooselybutpersistentlytoexpandthepublicaccountabilityofcorporations,tradeanddevelopmentregimes,andgovernments.
Yetitisnotaltogetherclearhowtocharacterizethesenetworks.
Evennetworktheoristsrecognizethatnetworkstructuresareasvariedastheirsocialmembershipsandpurposes(Wellman,et.
al.
,1996).
SomeobserverswaxdramaticaboutthepotentialofvastInternetmovementstoorganizeandreactrapidlytothreatsagainsthumanrightsorplanetarysurvivalanywhereontheglobe.
Forexample,RichardHunterhascoinedtheterm"Networkarmy.
"whichhedescribesas"…acollectionofcommunitiesandindividualswhoareunitedonthebasisofideology,notgeography.
Theyareheldtogetherbypubliccommunications,theInternetbeingaprimeexample….
Networkarmiesdon'thaveaformalleadershipstructure.
Theyhaveinfluencers,notbosseswhogiveorders"(Holstein,2002,n.
p.
).
ThemilitarymetaphorisalsoemployedbyArquillaandRonfeldt(2001)whousethetermnetwartodescribetheswarmingbehaviorsofterrorists,criminalnetworks,andhightechpoliticalmilitants.
AnotherallusiontothedistributedorganizationalimpactofnetworkedcommunicationcomesfromtechnologypopularizerHowardRheingold,whohascoinedtheterm"smartmobs"torefertopeopleactinginconcertonthebasisofdigitalpersonalcommunication.
Hecitesdiverseexamplesofsmartmobbehaviorthatinclude:theoverthrowofPhilippinePresidentEstradain2001withaseriesofdemonstrationscoordinatedthroughcellphonemessaging,theinstantstrategyandpublicitybyactivistsattheWorldtradeOrganizationDemonstrationsinSeattlein1999,andtheplanningoftheSeptember11,2001terroristattacksonNewYorkandWashington(Rheingold,2002;Schwartz,2002).
Termssuchasnetworkarmies,netwars,andsmartmobsdramatizethetransformingpotentialofnewcommunicationtechnologies,yettheyseeminadequatetodescribetheemergenceoflooselyorganized(segmentedandindependent,yetconnected),geographicallydispersed,andlocallyengagedcollectionsofactivists.
Themobandarmymetaphorsbreakdowninpartbecausetheydonotcapturethedailyactivitiesofactivists;atbestthey(inadequately)refertoepisodiccollectiveoutbursts.
Beyondtheoccasionalmassdemonstration,activistnetworksaremorelikelytobefoundworkingonpublicinformationcampaigns,negotiatingstandardsagreementswiththemanagersofcompanies,sharinginformationwithothermembersoftheirnetworks,andfindingwaystobuildlocalcommunitiesaroundsocialjusticeissuesbothathomeandelsewhere.
Moreover,unlikearmies,mostglobalactivistnetworksdonotdisplayahierarchicalcommandorganization.
Andunlikemobs,theyhaveconsiderablymorerefinedcommunicationanddeliberativecapacities.
PerhapsthebestaccountofthetypeofmovementorganizationthatenablesvastnetworkstopursuediversesocialjusticegoalsonagloballevelistheSPINmodelproposedbyGerlachandHines(1968),andupdatedbyGerlach(2001).
SPINreferstomovementorganizationtypesthataresegmented,polycentric,integrated,networks.
Segmentationinvolvesthefluidboundariesthatdistinguishformalorganizations,informalgroups,andsingleactiviststhatmayjoinandseparateoverdifferentactions,yetremainavailabletofuturecoordination.
Polycentricreferstothepresenceofmultiplehubsorcentersofcoordinationinanetworkofsegmentedorganizations.
Intheirearlierformulation,GerlachandHine(1968)referredmoreexplicitlytoleadership,andusedthetermpolycephalous,referringtomanyheads.
Inrecentyears,Gerlach(2001)notesanavoidanceofformalleadership,andapreferenceforpersonaltiesamongactiviststhatenableeachtospeakfortheorganization,andtoholdmultipleorganizationalaffiliations–hence,theshifttothetermpolycentric.
Theintegrationprinciplehasalsoevolvedtoreflectthehorizontalstructureofdistributedactivism.
Ideologiesfiguredmoreprominentlyinearliermovementaccounts,bothinintegratinganddividinggroups(creatingnewsegments).
Therequirementforideologicalcoherenceseemsfarweakeringlobalactivistcirclestoday.
Theintegrativefunctionisprovidedbypersonalties,recognitionofcommonthreats,pragmatismaboutachievinggoals,andtheeaseoffindingassociationsandinformationthroughtheInternet.
Inclusivenesshasbecomeastrongmeta-ideologicaltheme.
Theresultingnetworkscharacterizedbythissegmented,polycentric,andintegratedorganizationalformarenotcentrallyorhierarchicallylimitedintheirgrowth,orintheircapacitiestorecombinearounddifferentthreatsorinternaldisruptions.
Sincethesocialnetworklinkagesarenonhierarchical,informationexchangeisrelativelyopen.
Andtheredundancyoflinksinsegmentedpolycentricnetworksenablesthemtocontinuetofunctionevenwhenimportantorganizationsleaveorchangetheirroles.
ThisishowGerlachdescribedtheemergenceofSPINorganizationinglobalactivism:Sinceatleastthe1990s,anincreasinglybroadarrayofenvironmentalrights,socialjustice,farm,andlaboractivists,aswellasanticapitalistanarchists,haveworkedinvariouswaystodefinemultinationalcorporationsandinternationalbanking,trade,andeconomic-developmentorganizationsasthreatstohumanwelfareandenvironmentalhealth,becauseoftheirpursuitofglobaleconomicintegrationandgrowth.
Theseactivistspromulgatetheirideasabouttheseglobalthreatsthroughpersonalcontact,printmedia,andespecially,theInternet.
Thusinformed,theactivistsusemajorworldwidemeetingsofofficialsoftheinternationalasforumstogatherinprotestandpubliclycommunicatethethreatstheyperceive.
Theiroftenmilitantdemonstrationsforceresponsesfrompoliceandlocalgovernments,whichthenprovidenewoppositionagainstwhichtheycanconverge.
OnenotedexampletookplaceinSeattle,WashingtonfromlateNovembertoearlyDecemberatameetingoftheWorldTradeOrganization(Gerlach,2001,pp.
300-301).
LimitsonDefinitionsofGlobalActivismasaMovementInausefulattempttodistinguishglobalactivismfrommanyothertypesoftransnationalpoliticalaction,Tarrow(2002)offersaninventoryofotherpatternsofactivismontheworldscenethatareoftenmistakenlylinkedtoglobalization.
Intheprocess,heissuesawarningabouttoo-casualusesofglobalizationasanexplanatoryfactor:…manyformsoftransnationalactivism–suchashumanrights,humanitarianaid,andjusticeagainstgenocideandtorturers–havelittleornothingtodowithglobalizationandmuchmoretodowithdictatorship,democracy,andtheabridgementofhumanrights.
Byplacingsuchmovementsundertheglobalumbrellaweriskobscuringtheirdistinctoriginsanddynamics.
Iprefertolimittheterm"globalization"tomajorincreasesintheinterdependenceofeconomicrelations–atrendthathasoccurredseveraltimesinhistory(Tilly2002)andisbynomeansunilinear.
Whatisperhapsdistinctaboutitinoureraisthatitisaccompaniedbyapartially-independentprocess,thecreationofawebofinternationalinstitutionsandorganizations.
Byreducingthecausalchainoftransnationalpoliticstoaby-productofglobalization,analystsbothriskignoringagreatdealoftransnationalactivismthathasnothingtodowithglobalizationandignorethesignificantindependentroleofbothstateandinternationalinstitutionsinbringingpeopletogetheracrossnationalboundaries(Tarrow,2002,pp.
16-17).
Thesepointsarewelltaken.
However,beyondtheirconfinesliesaprotestmovementthatisuniquelyengagedwiththe"partiallyindependentprocess"attherootofnationalandinternationalpowershiftsassociatedwitheconomicglobalization.
Notonlyisthismovementengagedwithnewsitesofglobaleconomicpower,buttheactivistsassociateinwaysthatreflectnewglobalization-relatedaspectsofidentityandresistance.
Becauseofthesepatternsofassociation(someidentifiedbyGerlach,above),theseglobalactivistshavedevelopedmodelsforempoweringusesofdigitalcommunicationmediathathavenotbeenemployedbymanyofthegroupsthatTarrowrightlyrulesoutoftheglobalizationprotestmovement.
Whysomeactivistsarepursuingmoreempoweringapplicationsofnewcommunicationtechnology,andothersarenot,involvesbeingrootedinverydifferent(e.
g.
,globalizationvs.
statecentered)socialandpoliticalcontexts.
Thesecontextualfactorsaredevelopedtheoreticallyinthenextsection.
InternetEmpowerment:SomeTheoreticalGeneralizationsAnobviousgeneralizationthatnetworksofdiversegroupscouldnotbesustainedwithoutthepresenceofdigitalcommunicationchannels(email,lists,organizationandcampaignwebsites,mobilephones)thatfacilitateinformationexchange,coordinateaction,andestablishelectronicrecordsofcommoncause.
ArelatedgeneralizationisthatthescaleofprotestonagloballevelseemsimpossiblewithouttheglobalcommunicationandcoordinationcapabilitiesoftheInternet.
AthirdgeneralizationbuildingonthefirsttwoisthattheInternetenablesboththediversityandtheglobalscaleofprotestatgreatlyreducedcostsofbrokeragethatareordinarilyattributedtotheexpansionofmovementcoalitions(McAdam,Tarrow&Tilly,2001).
Evenmoreimportantforexplainingtheflexibility,diversity,andscaleofthisactivismisthewayinwhichthepreferencesforleaderlessandinclusivenetworksissuitedtothedistributedandmultidirectionalcapabilitiesofInternetcommunication.
Communicationwithinmanyoftheorganizationsinthesenetworksalsoreflectsasimilardecentralized,distributedmodel.
AninterestingexampleistheIndymedia(www.
indymedia.
org)activistinformationsystemanalyzedbyDowninginthisvolume.
Thissystemhasgrownfromasinglecollectivethatproducedliveinformationduringthe"BattleinSeattle"in1999,tonearlyonehundredaffiliatesaroundtheworld.
Whilethereissomehierarchicaleditingandwritingofstories,Indymediaisremarkablytruetoitsopenpublishingcommitmentthatenablesvirtuallyanyonetobecomeareporter.
Thiscommitmenttodemocratizethemediaispromotedineffortstocreateopensource,automatedsystemsforposting,archiving,editing,andsyndicatingnetworkedinformation.
Inanothercase,theFrenchorganizationATTAC(www.
attac.
org),foundedinParisin1998,hasproducedvariousnationalcounterpartsinSweden,Germany,andelsewhere,yettheiragendasandpoliticaltacticsallseemdifferent.
EvenATTAC'snetworkinFrancehasgrowninwaysthatresistdirectionfromcentralleadershipinParis,whiletheperipheralcommitteeshaveelevatedavarietytheirownissuestothecommonagenda.
AlthoughaleadershipgroupinParisstilltakesactionsinthenameoftheorganization,theagendaoftheorganizationreflectsthechurnoflocalinitiativesandvirtualdeliberations.
OneresultisthatATTAC(AssociationfortheTaxationofFinancialTransactionsfortheAidofCitizens)hasmovedawayfromitsinitialcharteringmissionofsecuringa"Tobin"taxonworldfinancialtransactionstobereturnedtoaidimpoverishedlocalities(LeGrignouandPatou,forthcoming).
UnderstandingGlobalActivismasAProductofGlobalizationWhattheaboveexamplessuggestisthattheriseofglobalactivism--asreflectedprimarilyinthecoordinationofissuecampaignsandfar-flungdemonstrations--shouldnotbeattributedsolelytothereducedcommunicationcostsoftheInternet.
Astrongertheoreticalpropositioninvolvesspecifyingwhattheactivistsbringtotheirdigitalinteractions.
Iproposethattheunderlyingsocialandpoliticaldynamicsofprotesthavechangedsignificantlyduetothewaysinwhicheconomicglobalizationhasrefiguredpolitics,socialinstitutions,andidentityformationwithinsocieties.
Inparticular,weshouldnottakethemulti-issuelinkages,thechoiceoftransnationaltargets,thefacelessness,theinclusiveness,ortheglobalscaleofthisactivismforgranted.
ThesefeaturesoftheglobalsocialjusticemovementmayreflecttheunderlyingsocialandpsychologicalcontextsinwhichboththeactivistsandtheirInternetapplicationsareembedded.
Inotherwords,digitalpersonalmediaenablethefinelinkagesthatconnectpeopleacrosstime,spaceandissues,butwhatopensgrowingnumbersofactiviststoseesofewtemporal,spatial,politicalorissuebarriersinthefirstplaceWhatfeaturesofthecontemporarysocietymotivateactiviststoformnetworksthatareatoncefluid,collectiveandindividualisticShowinghowdomesticrestructuringshapesthepoliticaloutlooksandthecommunicationstylesofactivistsisakeyelementofourstory,butthereismore.
Globalcommunicationinfrastructureshavealsochangedinimportantways,enabling:1)theproductionofhighqualitycontentbyordinarypeople;2)thecreationoflargescaleinteractivenetworksengagedbythatcontent;3)thetransmissionofthatcontentacrossbordersandcontinents;and4)theconvergenceofmediasystemssothatpersonal(micromedia)contenthasmorepathwaysthroughwhichtoentermassmediachannels.
Intheseways,theglobalchangemovementisempoweredbythedualcapacityoftheInternetforinternalandexternalcommunication.
Forexample,theInternetattractsgrowingnumbersofordinarymediaconsumerswhomayencounteractivistinformationontheNetitselfandinthegrowinginterfacesbetweentheNetandthemassmedia.
Thisaudience-buildingcapacityoftheInternetseemstodifferfromearlieractivistinternalcommunication(nichenewspapers,mimeographedpamphlets,undergroundradio)byreachingaudiencesthatfrequentlyextendfarbeyondactivistcircles.
Onequestionthatemergeshereis:WhatpropertiesofdigitalmediasystemsenableinformationtoflowthroughtheinformationlayersoftheWebuntilitreachesbothconsumersandproducersofthemassmediaBasedontheseconsiderations,thepoweroftheinternetinglobalprotest(andinmanyotherpoliticalothersettingsaswell)canbetracedtoatleastthreeimportantelementsofitshumancontext--thefirsttwoderivedfromeconomiceffectsofglobalization,andthethirdfromtheglobalizationofcommunicationinfrastructures:a)thewillingnessofactiviststoshare,merge,andtoleratediversepoliticalidentities;b)theperceptiononthepartofmanyactiviststhatvastandcomplexproblemshaveescapedtheregulatorygraspofgovernmentsandnations,andthattheseproblemsrequirescalingprotestactivitiesacrossgreatreachesoftimeandspace;andc)thegrowingpermeabilityofallmedia--massandniche,oldtechnologyandnew--tocross-cuttingcommunicationthatenablesviralmessagestotravelthenewlyconfiguredboundsofcyber-timeandspace(seeb),andtoreachlargepublicswithidentitiesthatareopentothediverseexperiencesthatglobalchangehasvisitedonmanyinhabitantsoftheplanet(seea).
WhatmakestheseconditionsthemostimportantcontextualfactorsshapingthepowerofpersonaldigitalmediainglobalactivismTheyhappentobe,inmyview,thethreemostimportantnon-economiccorrelatesofglobalizationitself:thefreeingofidentityfromtheconformingdictatesofmodernorganizations;therefiguringoftime,distance,andplace;andtheconstructionofevermoresophisticatedandinterlinkedcommunicationnetworksthatbothdriveandharmonizethefirsttwofactors.
Fordevelopmentoftheseideas,seeGiddens(1991),Beck(1999,2001),andCastells(1996,1997).
PuttingInternetPoliticsinContextThusfar,IhavecontendedthattheInternetisnotinherentlytransformativeofeitherhumancommunicationorsocialandpoliticalrelations.
Rather,itistheinteractionbetweentheInternetanditsusers--andtheirinteractions,inturn,inmaterialsocialcontexts--thatconstitutethematrixwithinwhichwecanlocatethepowerofthenewmediatocreatenewspacesfordiscourseandcoordinatedaction.
Ourexplorationofnewmediapowerthusentailsatheoreticalexplorationofthethreeprimarysocial,spatial,andcommunicationalcontextsinwhichtheInternetisused.
GlobalizationofResistance:TheIdentityShiftThereisaburgeoningliteratureonhowglobaleconomicchangehasaffectedthebasicinstitutionsofsociety(family,church,school,job,community)inwaysthatproduceprofoundeffectsonindividualidentity.
Giddens(1991)wasamongthefirsttorecognizethatthesechangeswerebothnegative(producingstress,insecurity,complexlifemanagementissues,personalresponsibility-takingforstructuralproblems)andpositive(expandingpersonalfreedomstochooseandchangeidentities).
Whatseemsmostimportantisthatasidentitybondsweakenfromgroups,peoplehavelessreasontocreateandmaintaintheiridentitiesthroughconventional(partisan,national,andideological)formsofsocialconflictandexclusion.
Theimportant(andnottobeunderestimated)exceptions,ofcourse,arethreatenedtraditionalandconservativegroups(ChristianandIslamicfundamentalists,ethnicnationalists,etc.
)infragmentingmodernsocieties.
Whilereactionarygroupsstruggletoholdthelineonchange,oftenbytryingtoimposethreatenedmoralvaluesontherestofsociety,thosewhoaremoreadaptivetothetransformationofsocietyoftenengageinremarkableexplorationsofselfandidentity:formingnewtypesoffamilies,newspiritualmovements,exchangingworldartandmusic,exploringnewjobsandcareers,attributinglessimportancetonationandgovernment,andformingcosmopolitantieswithothersindistantpartsoftheworld.
AsTarrow(2002)notes,cosmopolitanismisnotanewphenomenon.
TheSilkRoadandtheHansaLeaguecometomind.
However,theredoesappeartobesomethingofwhatheandhiscolleaguestermascaleshiftinrecenttimes,implyingbothanincreaseinnumbersofthosewithidentificationsandactivitiesintransnationallocalities,andtheemergenceofaclassofordinarycitizenswhoincreasinglyseethesitesoftheirpoliticalactionasrangingfromlocaltoglobalwithoutnecessarilypassingthroughnationalinstitutionsontheway.
Hedistinguishesglobalsocialjusticeactivistsasconstitutingamovementincontrasttoothercosmopolitanswhohavelongworkedininternationalarenastodeliverdisasterreliefaid,toassesstheconditionsofimmigrantpopulations,ortotargetspecificstatesforhumanrightsabuses:"Iwill,however,usethetermglobaljusticemovementtoapplytothatcoalitionofenvironmental,humanrights,developmentalandprotectionistgroupsandindividualswhocametogetheraroundtheturnofthecenturyagainsttheinjusticesoftheinternationalfinancialsystemanditsleadingmember,theUnitedStates.
"(Tarrow,2002,p.
21)Inglehart(1997)identifiesthosemostlikelytoshifttheiridentificationsandinterestsawayfromconventionalnationalpoliticsasyounger,moreeducatedgenerationswhohavecomeintoadultlifeduringtheadvancedstagesofglobalization.
Ihavediscussedthewaysinwhichtheseidentitychangeshaveresultedinashifttowardalifestylepoliticsinwhichideology,partyloyalties,andelectionsarereplacedwithissuenetworksthatoffermorepersonalandoftenactivistsolutionsforproblems(Bennett,1998).
Asidentitiesbecomemorefluid,andlessrootedingeographicalplace(e.
g.
,nation)andpoliticaltime(e.
g.
,theelectioncalendar),individualsarebothfreerandundergreaterpressuretoinventthemselvesandtheirpolitics.
Itisimportanttorecognizethestructuralrootsofthesebroadidentitychanges.
Beck(2001)makesadistinctionbetweenthelate-modernconditionthathetermsindividualization,andtheolderideologicalconceptofindividualism.
Individualizationreflectsthebreakdownofonesetofsocialwelfarestructuresandtheirreplacementbymoredirectmarketexperienceswithwork,heathcareandotherbasicsocialneeds.
Thisrestructuringoftheindividualexperienceatoncemakesthestatelessprotectiveoruseful,whileitfreesindividualstoexplorecosmopolitan,transnationalpoliticalarrangementsthatmaybetteraddresstheproblemsintheircurrentcondition(Beck,2001,p.
9).
Old(modernist)laborandideologicalactivismcontinueinthepresenttransitionalphaseofglobalchange,yettheinstitutionalfoundationsofsuchcollectiveconsciousnessareeroding.
Thismeansthatthesocialandidentityprinciplesunderlyingresistanceitselfneedtoberefiguredasnewgenerationsofactivistsemerge.
Forexample,Gramsci'sclassicassessmentofthesocialfoundationsofpoliticalidentityseemtopoorlydescribetheranksoftheDirectActionNetwork,TheRuckusSociety,Indymedia,andthemanyneo-anarchistsjoiningprotestnetworkstoday:Inacquiringone'sconceptionoftheworld,onealwaysbelongstoaparticulargroupingwhichisthatofallthesocialelementswhichsharethesamemodeofthinkingandacting.
Weareallconformistsofsomeconformismorother…Thestartingpointofcritical-elaborationistheconsciousnessofwhatonereallyis,andis"knowingthyself"asaproductofthehistoricalprocesstodatewhichhasdepositedinyouaninfinityoftraces,withoutleavinganinventory.
(Gramsci1971,324)Mittleman(2000)andmanyothers(e.
.
g.
,Beck,1999,2001;Giddens,1991)arguethatglobalizationhasalteredthisprocessofgroup-basedidentityformationandresistancebyalteringtheconditionsofgrouplifenotjustintheservantstatesoftheglobaleconomybutinthedominantpostindustrialdemocraciesaswell.
Asindividualsexperiencesocialfragmentation,theironicresultisthattheunexaminedtracesofgroupmembershipsbecomereplacedwithfarmoreexaminedidentityprocesses.
Peoplearemorelikelytodiscovertheselfasanactiveprojectinvolvingreinvention,therapy,selfimprovement,personalandplanetaryrenewal,andspiritualquests.
Ascollectiveidentitiesexpressedinideologiesbecomelessusefulinmediatingandlinkingmovementnetworks,individualactivistsaremoreabletoidentifywiththeexperiencesof"other"classes,causes,cultures,andplaces(Mittleman,2000,p.
169).
Theeaseofidentifyingwithdistantanddiversepartnersinproblemdefinition,solution,andcosmopolitancommunityistheenginethatdrivestheprocessofindividualizationintonewcollectiveforms.
TheInternethappenstobeamediumwellsuitedforeasilylinking(andstayingconnected)toothersinsearchofnewcollectiveactionsthatdonotchallengeindividualidentities.
Henceglobalactivistnetworksoftenbecomecollectivitiescapableofdirectedactionwhilerespectingdiverseidentities.
Thisdiversitymaycreatevariousproblemsformaintainingthematiccoherenceinnetworks(seeBennett,forthcoming)andforthecapacityofoutsiders–particularlythosestillembeddedwithinmodernistpoliticalcontexts--tograspthecoreconcernsoftheactivists.
Despitesuchvulnerabilitiesofnetworks,thepoweroftheInternetisthusinextricablyboundtothetransformationofidentityitself(Castells,1997).
Thisechoestheearlierclaimthatcommunicationtechnologiescannotbeunderstoodwithoutreferencetotheidentitiesandthesymbolicinterfacesofthepeopleusingthem.
DespitethechaoticpotentialofSPINtypenetworks,thediversitypermittedbylooselylinkedcommunicationnodesmakesthembothenduringandadaptive.
Ideologicalmotivationmaystilldriveparticipantsintheirownspheresofaction,buttheircoordinatedactivitiesneednotbebasedonsharedideologicalunderstandings,orevencommongoals.
Moreover,unlikeold-stylecoalitionsofconvenience,virtualactivistsneednotbelocatedinthesameplaceoreventhreatenedbythesamerootproblem.
AninterestingexamplehereistheNorthAmericanFairTradecoffeenetwork,abroadcollectionofactivistsdedicatedtocreatingafairlypricedmarketforcoffeegrownbysmallproducersinvariouspartsoftheworld.
Accordingtotheactivists,smallfarmersarerapidlybeingdrivenofftheirfarmsbypricesystemsthatfavorlargeindustrialgrowerswho,notincidentallyforourstory,alsotendtoreplaceshadedcoffeeplantationswithlargeracreagesofclearedland.
Foragribusinessinterests,cuttingtheshadecanopymeansgrowingmorerobustbeansthatcanbetendedwithmoremechanizedfarming.
Forenvironmentalistsandconservationists,thismeanskillingspeciesofsongbirdsthatmigratefromsouthernforeststoNorthAmericaeachyear.
TheNorthAmericanfairtradecoffeenetworkintherecentperiodisledbyacoalitionofthreeorganizationsthathavelittleincommonideologically.
YettheyhavedevelopedacampaigntopressureAmericancoffeeretailerstosubscribetofairtradebusinessstandardsandtopromotefairtradecoffeeintheiradvertisingandmarketing.
ThefollowingcapsuleaccountofthisnetworkfollowsananalysisbyDavidIozzi(2002),astudentwhohasstudiedthisnetworkindetail.
ThethreehubsofthecoffeenetworkareGlobalExchange,aworlddevelopmentandsocialjusticeorganizationbasedinSanFrancisco,theAudubonSociety,anationalbirdwatchersandconservationorganizationwithastaffpersonintheSeattleofficededicatedtothecampaign,andtheOrganicConsumersAssociation,anorganicandhealthyfoodassociationbasedinMinnesota.
GlobalExchangehasdevelopedasetofbusinessstandardssuitableforNorthAmericancoffeecompanies,anddesignedacampaignthatthreatenscorporatebrandimagestosecurecompliance.
Thislogocampaign(Klein,1999)recognizesthatcomplexpoliticalandeconomicargumentsarehardtocommunicateacrosstheidentityboundariesofordinarypeoplewhoaremostconcernedwiththequalityoftheirimmediatelifestyles.
EntertheAudubonSociety,whichprovidesa"lifestylesymbol"forthecampaign:Birds.
TheAudubonSocietyisacredibleinformationsourcefortheclaimthatcuttingtheshadecanopytoplanthardier,moreeconomicalRobustabeansdestroyssongbirdhabitat.
ThisreducesthenumbersofsongbirdsmigratingtothebackyardsofNorthAmerica.
HerewehaveasymbolthateasilyconnectsanaspectofmanyNorthAmericanlifestyles(pleasantsingingvisitorsinmillionsofparksandbackyards)withcorporateimagesofcoffeeasanintegralpartofasatisfyingconsumerlifestyle.
HowweresongbirdsconnectedtoacorporatelogoTheinitialtargetofthiscampaignwasStarbucks,aSeattle-basedinternationalcompanythatsuccessfullymarketeditscoffeeasanupscalelifestylebrand.
Notjustahotcaffeinatedbeverage(whichwouldbedifficulttosellatpremiumpricesinfar-reachingmarkets),acupofStarbucksisworthfarmorewhenunderstoodasalifestyleexperience.
EnteringaStarbucks,putsoneinaquietworldwithqualityproduct,surroundedbyqualitypeople,soothedbydemographicallychosenmusic(whichcanbepurchasedforhomelistening),andtemptedbykitchencoffeegadgetstorecreatetheStarbuckslifestyleexperienceonmorningswhenonehastoluxuryofstayingin.
KillingthesongbirdsthatchirpinthebackyardonthatspecialStarbucksmorningisnotanimagethatthecompanywantedtohaveassociatedwithitslifestylebrand.
Itdidnottakethecompanylongtodothemath.
Today,Starbuckshasextendeditsbrandtoincludethefairtradelogothatappearsonsomeofitscoffees.
Itevendisplayshumanitarianpostersinsome(test-marketed)locations,explainingthecompany'sdedicationtopayingafairpricetothesmallgrowerswhoproducethehighqualitybeansonwhichthecompany'squalityproductdepends.
Thus,apoliticalmessagethatmightnothavepenetratedthepersonalsymbolworldofaverageconsumerswasattachedsuccessfullytoacommonconsumerexperience,andeventuallyembracedbyoneofthechiefcorporatepurveyorsofthatexperience.
Typicalofmanyprotestnetworks,theorganizationandcommunicationactivitiesofthecampaignwereaccomplishedmostlythroughtheInternet.
ThisiswheretheOrganicConsumersAssociationcomesin.
OCApowersthewebsitethroughwhichprotestactivitiesarescheduled,organized,andscaledworldwide.
Forexample,OCAlabormakesitpossibleforStarbuckscustomersandpotentialcustomerstofindthecampaign,andtoemailtheirindignationdirectlytoHowardSchultz,founderandmajorshareholderofStarbucks,alongwithothercompanyexecutives.
WhatistheOGAproblemwithStarbucksNotthedisruptionofsmallfarmeconomies.
Notthethreattobirdpopulations.
Rather,Starbuckshasbeenusinggeneticallyalteredsoybeansinitsveganlattes,andmilkwithbovinegrowthhormoneinitscappuccinos.
OGAwasabletoattachitspoliticalmessagestothefairtradeandsongbirddiscoursesaspeoplewerebroughtthroughitswebsiteintheprocessofgettinginformation,registeringavirtualprotest,orfindingoutaboutactualdemonstrations.
AsStarbucksexpandeditslocationsaroundtheworld,theprotestnetworkfollowedwithdemonstrations.
ThewebsiteoftheOCAannouncedthattheGlobalWeekofActionagainstStarbucks(February23-March2,2002)ledbytheOrganicConsumersAssociationwasasuccess,withdemonstrationsheldatover400Starbuckslocationsworldwide.
OCAclaimeditasthelargestsimultaneousglobalprotesteventofitskindinhistory.
Thosedemonstrationsattractedactivistsmotivatedbyoneormoreofthenetworkcauses.
Despitetheideologicallyinchoatenetwork,thecollectivenegativefocusonthecompanyimage(reinforcedbyanumberofnewsreportslinkingthedemiseofsongbirdstothecoffeebusiness)wasenoughtoconvinceStarbucksmanagementthatitspreciousbrandimagewasbetterservedbyembracingtheactivists'demandsthanbyresistingthem.
Inthisfashion,networkactionstravelovertimeandspace,followingglobaltargets,whileaccommodatingactivists'diversepoliticalidentitiesandlocalcommunitytiesintheprocess.
RedefiningPoliticalTimeandSpace:NewVenuesforContestingPowerFormanyglobalactivists,theboundariesofthepersonalworld--social,political,andgeographical--arefluid.
Globalproblemscanbefoundinvirtuallyanylocality--fromthelifeconditionsinexportprocessingzonescreatedinMexicoorIndonesiabydistantcorporations,governmentsandtraderegimes,tothelossofmigratingsongbirdsinAmericanandCanadianbackyards.
Beck(2001)hasarguedthatboththearenasandformsofpoliticshavebeendispersedaseconomicrestructuringhasgivenbusinessunusualdegreesofpoweroverdomesticlabor,environmental,tax,andsocialwelfarepolicies.
Threatstomoveelsewhere,closeplants,andshiftcapitalmarketshavebeenlegitimizedbyworldtradeagreements,creatingasphereofwhatBeckcallssubpoliticsinwhichimportantissuesareremovedfromnationalinstitutionalagendas.
Asaresult,nationalelectionandlegislativecalendarsmaybelessimportantforactiviststofollowthanthescheduleofWorldTradeOrganizationorG-7meetings.
Newcommunicationtechnologiesenablethisresistancetooccurinnewtemporalandspatialterms.
Partofwhatmadethe"BattleinSeattle"duringthe1999meetingsoftheWorldTradeOrganizationsuchasignaleventwasthesimultaneousstagingofdozensofotherdemonstrationsaroundtheworld.
LichbachandAlmeida(2001)documentdemonstrationsconcurrentwithSeattleinatleast82othercities,including27locationsintheUnitedStates,40inother"northern"locationsincludingSeoul,London,Paris,Prague,Brisbane,andTelAviv,and15in"southern"locationssuchasNewDelhi,Manila,andMexicoCity.
TheInternetwasnotjustimportantintheorganizationofsimultaneousprotest,itcontributedtotheglobalimagingofthoseevents.
DemonstrationswerelinkedbystreamedIndymediareportsbyactiviststhemselves–reportsthattiedtheactiviststogetherinavirtualpoliticalspace.
MassmediareportsofthevariouslocaldemonstrationsputtheminthecontextoftheglobaleventthatshutdowntheWTOmeetingsinSeattle.
Thuslocalactionswerere-imagedinglobalnetworktermsbothfortheactivists,andforthevariousglobalpublicswhowitnessedthem.
ThecapacityforsimultaneousmembershipinlocalandglobalcommunityagainimpliesthatoldGramsciannotionsofclassandgroupfoundationsofconsciousnessandresistancemustberefigured.
Mittlemandescribesthetechnologicalrefiguringofspace,time,andsocialidentificationincommunicationterms:Contemporarysocialmovementssimultaneouslyoccupylocal,national,transnational,andglobalspaceasaresultofinnovationsin,andapplicationsof,technologies…whichproduceinstantaneouscommunicationacrosstraditionalfrontiers…TheGramscianframeworkofresistancethusmustbestretchedtoencompassnewactorsandspacesfromwhichcounterhegemonicconsciousnessisexpressed.
(Mittleman2000,p.
169)Atleastthreedistinctiveaspectsofthiscosmopolitanconsciousnessareassociatedwiththeglobalcontentionofpower.
First,andmostobvious,thisresistanceislessdistinctivelynationalisticthanglobalincharacter--whatMittleman(2000,p.
169)terms"collectiveresistancetranscendingnationalborders.
"Second,thecollectivismofthismovementislessrootedinascribed(Gramscian)socialgroupmembershipsthaninindividualchoicesofsocialnetworks.
Finally,this"collectiveindividualism"isfacilitatedinpartbydiscoursesconceivedlessinideologicaltermsthaninbroadcategoriesofthreat,harm,andjustice.
De-emphasizingideologicaldiscoursealsoenablescommunicationwithbroader"lifestylepublics"(Bennett,2003b).
Thepublicpoliticalvocabularyofthismovementisladenwithmemes–easilyimitatedandtransmittedimagesthatcrosssocialnetworksbecausetheyresonatewithcommonexperiences,fromenjoyingthebeautiesofnature,topersonalidentificationswithbrandedproducts(Dawkins,1989,p.
192;Lasn,1999).
"Starbucksprotects/harmssongbirds"aregoodpoliticalmemes(Bennett,2003b,forthcoming).
Whereideologicalcommunicationrestrictstheflowofideastoparticularplaces(nations),groups(parties,unions,classes),times(elections)andspaces(partymeetings,unionhalls),memestravelacrossthemorefluidtimeandspacepossibilitiesofsocialnetworksandtheInternet.
Aninterestingexampleofthisistheexperienceofa"culturejammer"namedJonahPerettiwhovisitedtheNikeCorporationshoppingsiteandpushedthelimitsofitspromisedfreedomtocustomizehispersonalNikesbyrequestingthattheysendhimshoesbrandedwiththetermsweatshop.
Suddenly,Nike'spromiseofpersonalfreedomwasmergedwiththeimageofexploitedworkersindistantfactoriesofAsia.
PerettisentanemailcontainingtheamusingexchangeswithNikerepresentatives(whorepeatedlydeniedhisrequests)toadozenfriends,whoforwardedthemessagetoothers.
This"viral"communicationspreadexponentiallyuntilitwasestimatedtoreachsomewherebetweenseveralhundredthousandandfifteenmillionpeoplearoundtheglobe(Peretti,2001,p.
4).
Culturejammingspreadsideasbyplayfullysubvertingthefamiliarideascapturedbypopularculturalandcommercialmemes.
Ideologiesalsorelyonmemes(forexample,immaculateconceptionisaprimeChristianmeme),butideologycontextualizesmemestopromotecommonunderstandings.
Whenpeopleinideologicalmovementsdifferintheirinterpretationsofthecorememes,theresultisoftenfactionalsegmentingorsplitting.
ThiscontrastbetweenculturejammingandmoreconventionalideologywasevidentinthereactionsofsomeideologueswhoreceivedtheNikeemailandcontactedPerettiasitsoriginator.
Heexplainsthesourceofideologicaldiscomfortwithculturejammingasfollows:CultureJammingisastrategythatturnscorporatepoweragainstitselfbyco-opting,hacking,mocking,andre-contextualizingmeanings.
Forpeopleaccustomedtotraditionalpolitics,CultureJammingcanseemconfusingorevencounter-productive.
ThefollowingemailisrepresentativeofthetypeofmessageIreceivedfrompeoplewhowereuncomfortablewithCultureJamming:WhydoyouwanttosupportNikeandtheirimmoralproductionofshoesandcondemnthematthesametimeIfoundyourlittledialogueimmatureandmorallyirresponsible.
Ifyoureallythinkthatsweatshoplaboriswrong,thendon'tbuyNikeshoes.
(Peretti,2001,p.
2).
Liberationfromideologycreatesthepotentialforcrossingmanysocial,culturalandgeographicalboundariesbecausethereislessneedfortheeducation,indoctrination,orphysicalforcethatoftenaccompaniesthespreadofideologies.
Culturejammingmemescompressthetimeofcommunicationbecausetheyrequirelittlerepackagingbeforetheyarecommunicatedagain.
Thememesthatrunthroughglobalactivismnetworksalsotravelwellbecausetheyrideoncross-culturecarriersproducedbyglobalizationitself:brands,movies,music,celebrities.
Thus,MonsantowasuniversallypilloriedwhenasmallCanadianactivistorganizationdubbeditsgeneticallymodifiedlineofsterileseeds"TheTerminator.
"Suchmessagepackagesrequirelittleelaboration.
IfsomeoneaskswhyStarbucksharmsbirds,theanswerisdeforestation.
TheNikestorycanbereducedtoacompanybrandingitselfaroundpersonalfreedomyetexploitingitsown(contractfactory)workers.
Thetransmissionmodelfor"viral"or"swarm"communicationisnottheoldtwostepflowfromelitestogroupmembers,butanetworked,distributedflowinwhichthecommunicationformat(thememe),thecommunicationtechnology(personaldigitalmedia),andthesocialcontact(network)travelinchaoticyetpatternedways.
This,Ithink,iswhatCastells(1996)meanswhentalkingabouttheflowofspacesandthespaceofflows.
Timeandgeographyhavebeenrefiguredbytheintroductionofnewtechnologiesandbythechangingsocialboundariesthatenablepeopletoconstructdiversesocialnetworkswiththosetechnologies.
FollowingDawkins(1989)formulationofmemes,Perettiexplainedtheglobalreachofhisviralcommunication:Dawkinsexplainsthatsomememeshave"highsurvivalvalue"and"infectivepower"whileothermemesdieoutquickly.
Inthecontextofemails,thismeansthatsomemessagesgeterasedwhileothersgetforwarded.
TheNikeSweatshopmemehadsuccessbecauseitappealedtoseveraldifferentdemographics,includingCultureJammers,unionorganizers,teachers,parents,anti-globalizationprotesters,humanrightsadvocates,religiousgroups,andpeoplewhosimplyenjoyahumorousprank.
TheNikeSweatshopemailthrivedbecauseithadaccesstosuchawiderangeofdifferentsocialnetworks.
(Peretti,2001,p.
3).
NetworkCommunicationandMediaFlowsPeretti'sNikeadventureshowshowradicalmessagescanleapfromtheseeminglyremotespheresofmicromedia(email,lists,personalweblogs)tomassmedia(newspapers,TVtalkshows).
Examplesofmicro-to-massmediacrossovercanbefoundinvariousanti-sweatshopcampaignsagainstworldbrandssuchasGAPandNike.
Inoneofthosecampaigns,theglobalactivistorganizationGlobalExchangeusedtheInternettocoordinatedemonstrationsthatfeaturedaspeechbyanIndonesianfactoryworkerinfrontofNikestoresacrosstheUnitedStates.
GlobalExchangethenappliedgoodold-fashionedpublicitystrategiestoinducethepresstocoverandframethosedemonstrationsintermsconsistentwiththeactivists'ownpreferredmessages.
TheresultwasthatNike'simageintheAmericanmassmediashiftedfromaglowingsuccessmodelforcorporateglobalizationtoasinistercompanywithadirtylittlelaborsecret(Bullert,1999).
Between1996and1998,coverageofNikeintheleadingAmericanpaperschangedoverwhelminglyfrompositivetonegative.
Thecompanywasvirtuallyre-brandedwiththetermsweatshop(Bennett,2003b).
In1998,NikeCEOPhilKnightadmittedthat:"TheNikeProducthasbecomesynonymouswithslavewages,forcedovertime,andarbitraryabuse.
"(Herbert,1998)Theimportanceofthedigitalpublicsphereforcontestingmediapowerwouldbefarlessifitweresealedofffromothercommunicationchannelsinsociety.
However,asnotedabove,thedifferentmediaspheresarebecomingincreasinglyporous.
Researchersarebeginningtopayattentiontothepathwaysoffrommicro-to-middlemediathatbringimportantmessagesincontactwithmassmediagatekeepers.
ThedistributedpropertyoftheWebmakesitdifficultfornewsorganizationstoclosethegatesontemptingstoriesthatcompetitorswillbetemptedtoreportiftheydon't.
Theriseof24/7cablenewsoperationsmakesthedemandfornovelinformationhigh.
JonahPerettidescribedthetravelsofhisNikeemailexchangeasitcrossedfrommicro,tomiddle,tomassmedia.
Whenreporterscalledhimforinterviews,healsointerviewedthemabouttheirdiscoveryofthestory.
Theygenerallyfounditviaemailfromtrustedfriends,oronweblogsorwebzinesthattheyfrequentedforentertainmentandnewideas.
Suchnewsmaterialrepresentsanovelbreakfromthejournalisticroutineofreportingnewsmanufacturedbygovernmentpressoffices,corporatepublicrelations,andnewsroomformulas.
Perettisummarizedtheenthusiasmofjournalistswhocontactedhim:….
manyjournalistsfindthemselvescoveringcarefullyscriptedpressconferences,orworse,convertingcorporatepressreleasesintonewsstories.
TheInternetprovidesthesedisgruntledjournalistswithanopportunitytodiscoverauthenticstories.
Reporterafterreporter"discovered"theNikeSweatshopmeme,eitherasanemailforwardoronasitelikePlastic.
com,anditwasclearfromthetoneoftheirvoicesthattheywereexcitedbythisprocessofdiscovery.
(Peretti,2001,p.
8).
ConclusionPeoplewhohavelongbeenonthereceivingendofone-waymasscommunicationarenowincreasinglylikelytobecomeproducersandtransmitters.
Withtheadventofinteractivecommunicationandinformationsystems,fromIndymediatothefutureBBC,thedistinctionbetweeninformationproducersandconsumerswillbecomeincreasinglydifficulttodraw.
Moreover,peoplewhohaveexperiencedwhatBecktermedthestructuralindividuationofglobalizationarefindingnewwaysoforganizingcollectively.
Asexperimentswithglobalcitizenshipgoforward,theempowermentofferedbydistributed,networkeddigitalcommunicationmaybecomesharedmorewidely.
Thiswarrantsanimportantadjustmenttomediahegemonytheories.
Thistheoreticaladjustmentdoesnotcontradictperspectivesthatseeglobalizationandderegulationofmediacontentasdirectthreatstocommunicatingdiversepoliticalmessagestolargeaudiences(McChesney,1999).
Indeed,theideaofmediademocracyisanincreasinglyimportantthemeinglobalactivistcircles.
KalleLasn(1999)oftheculturejamming,anti-commercialagencyAdbusters(www.
adbusters.
org)hasarticulatedthenotionofmediacartaasoneoffive"metamemes"forpromotingplanetarysocialjustice.
Lasnhasencounteredobstaclestorunninghissubvertisementsoncommercialchannelsbecausebroadcastersregardthemasintroducingdissonanceintomediaenvironmentsthatarecarefullycultivatedtosupportadvertising(Lasn,2002).
Yethisorganization'screativeculturejamsoftenmakethemassmediainotherforms,akintoPeretti'sNikeadventureabove.
ThesepoliticalopeningsareworthnotingforwhattheyrevealaboutthestructureofmediasystemsandtheirpermeabilityThelong-termpictureofnewmedia/massmediainformationflowsishardtoprojectwithmuchprecision.
Massmedianewsoutletsarestrugglingmightilywithchanginggate-keepingstandardsduetodemandsforinteractivecontentproducedbyaudiencesthemselves.
Asconsumer-drivencontentprogressesbeyondchatsandclickpolls,newpossibilitiesariseforhighqualitypoliticalinformationgovernedbymoredemocraticandlesseliteeditorialstandards.
Technologicallysavvyactivistsarewritingsoftwarethatenablesautomatedanddemocraticpublishingandediting.
Ordinarypeopleareempoweredtoreportontheirpoliticalexperienceswhilebeingheldtohighstandardsofinformationqualityandcommunityvalues.
Inthelongrun,thesetrends(see,forexample,www.
indymedia.
org,andwww.
slashdot.
org)maybethemostrevolutionaryaspectsofthenewmediaenvironment.
Throughoutthisaccount,theInternetandotherpersonaldigitalmediahavebeenalargepartofthestory.
Buttheimportanceofthesenewmediaincontestingpowerinvolvesmorethanjusttheirsheerexistenceasnewcommunicationtools.
Thepoliticalimpactsofemergingtechnologiesreflectthechangingsocial,psychological,andeconomicconditionsexperiencedbycitizenswhousethem.
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