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IIIUrbanPlanning,Administration,andGovernanceWhileostensiblyascientific-rationalprocessthatisseparatefrompolitics,urbanplanningisneverfarremovedfromtheexerciseofpower.
Effortstocre-ateandmaintainorderlyurbanlandscapesareinextricablylinkedwiththeprocessofboundary-making.
Regulatorysystems,suchaslicensing,zoning,codeenforcement,healthandsafetyinspections,andsoforth,effectivelyopenopportunitiesforsomeattheexpenseofothers.
Variousprojectsaimedatdisci-pliningtheunrulyresidentsalwaystakeplacewithincontradictoryfieldsofforce,asurbanplanners,municipalauthorities,andcityofficialsoperatewithdifferentagendas.
Dependingupondifferenthistoricalcircumstances,some-timesnegotiationandcompromisedominatetheapproachtopolicingthecityandatothertimesrepressionandviolenceruletheday.
InAfricancities,thepoorhaverespondedtovariousdiscipliningeffortsbyadoptingvariousstrate-giesofenterprise,compromise,andresistance.
Thesemultiplepractices,simul-taneouslysocialandspatial,haveensuredthaturbanplannersareneverabletoshapetheurbanlandscapeinaccordancewiththeirgrandschemes.
Withtheshifttowardentrepreneurialurbanism,newmodesofurbangover-nancehavereplacedconventional"managerial"approachestoadministeringthecity.
Historicallyspeaking,citiesinAfricahaveservedasstaging-areasforlarge-scalefinancialandbusinessinterestsoperatingoutofEuropeorNorthAmerica.
Atthesametime,theyhavebecomerepositories,orarefugeoflastresort,fordisplacedpeoplesnolongercapableofsustainingalivelihoodintheruralareas.
Inthecurrenthistoricalphaseofglobalizationwheretheprevailingtrajectoriesofurbandevelopmentstresscapitalintensityandtechnologicalinnovation,citiesinAfricaareundergoingprofoundchange.
Theessaysinpart3focusonquestionsofurbangovernance,municipaladministration,andcityplanningundercircumstanceswhererequisiteresources—financialandotherwise—areeithernonexistentorseverelylimited.
InmanycitiesinAfrica,urbanspacesareputtousesneverintended,basicinfra-structurehasbrokendown,andvastexpansesofthebuiltenvironmenthavefallenintodisrepair.
Withoutwaitingforsocialassistancefromcityadministra-tionsthatlackthecapacitytodeliveranyway,theurbanpoorhavefrequentlystruckoutontheirown,improvisingandstitchingtogetherthekindsofnetworks,connections,andlinkagesthattheyneedinordertosurvive.
InhisbriefsurveyofSouthAfricanurbanism,AbdouMaliqSimonearguesthatthoughurbanplanninginitiativesincitieslikeJohannesburghavesoughttohealthespatialwoundsengineeredunderapartheidurbangovernance,theseinterventionshaveinadvertentlyopenedupnewlinesofcleavage.
Borrowingthenotionofa"righttothecity"fromHenriLefebvre,Simonecontendsthatthosemarginalizedurbanresidentswhohavebeenexcludedfromthebenefitsofmodernurbanlivinghaveactivelypursuedtheirownaspirationsinwaysthatcutagainstthegrainofurbanplanninginitiatives.
Toalargeextent,citiesinAfricaarefragmentedanddisjointedplacesthathavelargelyresistedmodernurbanplanningandproceduresofrationalspatialorganization.
Yettheyarealsocalledupontoserviceawidevarietyofsometimesoverlappingandsometimescompetinginterests.
Onlyrarelydidtheydeveloporganically,moreinresponsetolocalneedsthantooutsidepressures.
Incitiesthatlackplanningguidelines,thespatialpatternsofurbangrowtharehaphaz-ardwheretheurbanlandscapehasbecomeapatchworkofdisconnectedparts.
Withouttheconstraintsprovidedbybuildingcodesandcitybylaws,thebuiltenvironmenthasbecomeaheterodoxassemblageofdisparateelementslackingcoherenceandoveralldesign.
FollowinghiswhirlwindtourofLagos,therenownedarchitectRemKoolhaasexpressedsurpriseatthecapacityofthecitytofunctiondespiteitsostensiblelackofplanningorcoherence.
Bywayofcounterpoint,MatthewGandytakesissuewiththesomewhatcelebratorytoneoftheseremarks,suggestinginsteadthatthisself-organizationofurbanlifetakesplaceinthecon-textofpersistenthardshipandenduringpoverty.
InhisinvestigationofLagos,Gandysubjectstheconventionalusageoftheterm"governance"toarigorousanalysisandcritique.
Inresistinganyrelianceupon"exceptionalist"interpreta-tionsofcitiesinAfrica,heseekstolinktheexperienceofmegacitieslikeLagoswithpatternsofurbangrowthanddevelopmentelsewhereintheglobalarena.
Inlaunching"OperationMurambatsvina"tocleansecitiesinZimbabweoftheurbanpoor,thepoliticalregimeundertheleadershipofRobertMugabehasresortedtophysicalforcetogaintheupperhandinthebattleovertheuseofurbanspace.
Inheraccount,DeborahPottsprovidesapassionate,blow-by-blowanalysisoftheoperation,attemptingtounderstanditincomparisonwiththetacticsoftheApartheidregimeinSouthAfricaandasatacticforrepressionofZimbabwe'smainoppositionparty.
UltimatelysheplacestheoperationwithinitslongerZimbabweanurbancontextofthemaintenanceoftheimageofurbanorder,aswell,linkingherup-to-the-minuteanalysisofOperationMurambatsvina(orOperationTsunami,asmanyofitsvictimshavetakentocallingit)withherlong-termanalysisofurbanhousingissuesinHarare.
Duetothepersistenceofstagnatingeconomiesandlacklusterratesofrealeconomicgrowth,municipalauthorities,cityofficials,andurbanplannershavefounditnearlyimpossibletorespondtotherisingdemandsofurbanresidents.
Withoutcommensurateincreasesinopportunitiesforworkandincome,theurbanizationprocesshasplacedseverestrainsontheinstitutionalstructuresofmunicipalgovernance,physicalandsocialinfrastructure,andtheprovisionofbasicservices.
Theshortageofjobsintheformaleconomy,inadequatehousing,outmodedinfrastructure,andunder-resourcedsocialserviceshavegoneUrbanPlanning,Administration,andGovernance238hand-in-handwithwidespreadpoverty,environmentaldegradation,andtheprecariousnessofeverydaylife.
Urbanpoliticsisplayedoutnotonlyintermsofcompetitionovercontrolofspecificsitesandinstitutionalresources,butalsointermsofextendingconnec-tions,broadeningsocialfields,andreconfiguringintersectionswiththeaimofforgingalliances,fosteringcollaborations,and"hedgingone'sbets.
"Thepoli-ticsofthecityisamatternotonlyoftheinequitabledistributionofsatisfactionsandmisery,butalsostrugglesaroundsuchissuesasgender,ethnicity,age,andreligion.
InlookingatpopularstrugglesovertheprovisionoffreebasicwaterservicesforpoorfamiliesinSouthAfricancitieslikeDurban,Johannesburg,andCapeTown,GregRuitersarguesthattheimplementationofneoliberalmodesofurbangovernanceisrarelyaseamless,linearprocess.
Inchartingtheemer-genceofnewmodesofurbangovernanceafterapartheid,hecontendsthatmunicipalitieshavecombinedthecarrotandthestick,givingintopopulardemandsforwaterasabasicrightwhileatthesametimeseekingtoenforcestrictmarketrulesofcost-recoveryandpay-as-you-go.
Inabroadervein,Ruiterssuggeststhatthestrategiesoflocalgovernmentrepresentamuchmorenuancedandsophisticatedresponsetodisciplining,regulating,andgoverningtheurbanpoorthanthecritiquesofneoliberalpolicymakingtypicallyacknowl-edge.
HearguesthatthenewurbanservicesregimeinurbanSouthAfricaisonecomponentinawiderstateinitiativedesignedtogaincontrolover"unruly"residentsandtokeeptheurbanpowerintheirplace.
UrbanPlanning,Administration,andGovernance239
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