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JournalofInternationalWomen'sStudiesVolume16|Issue2Article11Jan-2015EcofeminismandNaturalDisasters:SriLankanWomenPost-TsunamiAlyssaBanfordCameronKielyFroudeFollowthisandadditionalworksat:http://vc.
bridgew.
edu/jiwsPartoftheWomen'sStudiesCommonsThisitemisavailableaspartofVirtualCommons,theopen-accessinstitutionalrepositoryofBridgewaterStateUniversity,Bridgewater,Massachusetts.
RecommendedCitationBanford,AlyssaandFroude,CameronKiely(2015).
EcofeminismandNaturalDisasters:SriLankanWomenPost-Tsunami.
JournalofInternationalWomen'sStudies,16(2),170-187.
Availableat:http://vc.
bridgew.
edu/jiws/vol16/iss2/11Thisjournalanditscontentsmaybeusedforresearch,teachingandprivatestudypurposes.
Anysubstantialorsystematicreproduction,re-distribution,re-selling,loanorsub-licensing,systematicsupplyordistributioninanyformtoanyoneisexpresslyforbidden.
2015JournalofInternationalWomen'sStudies.
170JournalofInternationalWomen'sStudiesVol.
16,No.
2January2015EcofeminismandNaturalDisasters:SriLankanWomenPost-TsunamiByAlyssaBanford1andCameronKielyFroude2AbstractWomenexperienceahostofnegativeconsequencesduringandafteranaturaldisaster.
Avarietyoffeministtheorieshavebeenusedtoexplorethisphenomenon.
Theaimofthispaperistoposittheneedforanecofeministperspectiveonanalyzingwomen'svulnerabilitiespost-naturaldisaster.
Theauthorswilldiscussthehistoryandbranchesofecofeminism,highlightingtheirutilityinexploringtheintersectionofrace,class,andgenderintheaftermathofdisaster.
AnecofeministanalysisofSriLankanwomen'svulnerabilityinthewakeofthe2004tsunamiwillbeusedtoillustratetheutilityofthetheory.
Implicationsofusingecofeminisminnaturaldisasterresearchwillbediscussed.
KeyWords:Ecofeminism,NaturalDisaster,Tsunami,SriLankaIntroductionTheconsequencesofnaturaldisastersimpactindividualsatasocial,cultural,andpoliticalintersection(Ariyabandu&Wickramasinghe,2003;Blaikie,Cannon,Davis,&Wisner,2003;Mileti,1999;Quarantelli,1994).
Individualsandinsitutionsplayaroleindeterminingtheextenttowhichcommunitieswillbeimpactedbythedisasteranditsaftermath(Enarson,2004;Enarson&Morrow,1998;Wiest,Mocellin,&Motsisi,1994).
The2004IndianOceanearthquakeandtsunamiisnoexception.
Theimpactsofandresponsestothetsunamiexistedwithinacontextofwarfare,militarization,andsocioeconomichardshipinSriLanka(Uyangoda,2005;deMel&Ruwanpura,2006;Hyndman,2008).
InthespiritofRuwanpura's(2008)argument,theauthorssupportandwillsubstantiatetheclaim:"thereisacasetobemadeforunderstandingthepre-existingsocialstructuresandsocialpreconditionsforwomen'smarginalization…"(p.
326).
AcontextualizedunderstandingoftheeffectsofthetsunamionwomenisespeciallyimportantgiventhenegativeimpactsonSriLanka'smostvulnerablepopulations.
AsurveyconductedbytheAsianPacificForumonWomen,LawandDevelopmentreportedthatinAceh,Indonesia,India,andSriLankaalmost80%oftsunamifatalitieswerewomen.
Amongthewomenwhodied,themostvulnerablewerewidows,singleordisabledwomen,womenwithlowincome,andthosebelongingtomarginalizedracialorculturalgroups(Abeysekera,2006).
Inthelandmarkbook,DisastersbyDesign:AReassessmentofNaturalHazardsintheUnitedStates,Mileti(1999)discussesthecriticalinterrelatednessamongtheformsofoppression1AlyssaBanfordisanassistantprofessoratAlliantInternationalUniversity,SanDiego.
ShecompletedherPhDatTexasTechUniversityinmarriageandfamilytherapy.
Alyssaconductedoneyearofpost-doctoralworkattheUniversityofConnecticutandalsospentanadditionalyearasanassistantprofessorinresidenceattheUniversityofConnecticutinthemarriageandfamilytherapytrainingprogram.
2CameronFroudeisadoctoralstudentinhumandevelopmentandfamilystudiesattheUniversityofConnecticut.
ShecompletedherMAinmarriageandfamilytherapyattheUniversityofConnecticutin2012andherMAingeneralpsychologyatCatholicUniversityin2009.
171JournalofInternationalWomen'sStudiesVol.
16,No.
2January2015thatsubjugatemarginalizedcommunitiesduringandafterenvironmentalhardships.
Miletiarguesthattheadversitiesfollowingnaturaldisastersaredesignedbysocietytoharmcertaingroupsandprotectothers.
Thenaturaldisasterisnotinherentlydisastrous.
Rather,thenaturalphenomenonhasdisastrouseffectsongroupsofpeoplewhoholdfewerresourcesandlesssocialcapitalthanothers.
Individuals'increasedvulnerabilityafterdisasterisreflectiveofalargerprocess,amanifestationofsocialrelationshipsthataredeterminedbyavarietyofsocioculturalfactors,suchasgender,ethnicity,socioeconomicstatus(SES),age,anddisability(Ariyabandu&Wickramasinghe,2003;Blaikieetal.
,2003;Quarantelli,1994).
Anintersectionalanalysisiscriticalforunderstandingtheeffectsofnaturaldisastersforwomen.
Theconceptofintersectionalitysaysthatformsofstratificationsuchasrace,class,andgender,mustbestudiedinrelationshiptooneanotherinordertounderstandtheperspectivesofmarginalizedindividualsandcommunities(Crenshaw,1991).
Furthermore,Collins(1990)arguesthattheseintersectionsmustbeconceptualizedasa"matrixofdomination",whichaddressesthepowerdynamicatplay.
The"matrixofdomination"inSriLankareflectstheintercedingcultural,ideological,andreligiousviewpointsthatprecededandfollowedthetsunami(deMel,2007).
Wealsoarguethatageanddisabilitystatusarecentraltoanintersectionalanalysis,particularlywhendiscussingindividuals'responsestonaturaldisaster.
Althoughthereisnoblankettheoreticalframethatcoversalldiscussionsonnaturaldisasters,mostliteratureincludesasocialvulnerabilityapproach,whichassumesthattheeffectsofnaturaldisastersaresociallyconstructedandreflectiveofregionalandglobaldistributionsofpower(Blaikieetal.
,2003;Enarson,2004;Enarson,Fothergill,&Peek,2006;Hewitt,1997).
Whileresearchhasarguedforthevalueofafeministanalysisofwomen'shardshipsfollowingnaturaldisaster,SriLankanwomen'svulnerabilityhasyettobeconceptualizedwithinanecofeministframework.
Theauthors'adoptionofanecofeministlensreflectsourcommitmenttounderstandinghumanreactionsandrelationshipstonaturaldisastersinthegivensocialcontext.
Buildingonfeminist,environmental,andecologicalperspectives,ecofeminismexplorestherelationshipbetweennatureandhumanity,strivingtomovebeyondthedominationbothofwomenandnature(Warren,2000).
Sex/genderisthestartingpointforcritiquingoppressioninanecofeministphilosophy,butitcertainlyinvitesanextensiontoincludeanintersectionalanalysis.
Ecofeministshavefocusedprimarilyonthetheoreticalandempiricallinksbetweenwomen,race,SESandchildrenandenvironmentaldegradationsuchasdeforestation,pollution,pesticideusage,etc.
Thesocialstructuresthatcontributetotheoppressionofmarginalizedpeopleandenvironmentaldegradationareoftenafocalpointoftheanalysis(Warren,2000).
Pre-existingsocialconditionsandfactorssetthestageforthepopulationsofpeoplewhowillbemostimpactedbythenaturaldisaster.
Wewilldrawonecofeminismasanovelapproachtodiscussingthesocialoppressionthatexistspre-andpost-naturaldisaster.
Examiningtheeffectsofanaturallyoccurringeventonsocietyallowsforadiscussionaboutthebidirectionalrelationshipbetweenenvironmentandhumankind.
Thispaperpositstheneedforanecofeministperspectiveonanalyzingwomen'svulnerabilitypost-naturaldisaster.
First,wewillintroduceecofeminism,discussingthehistoryandbranchesofthetheory.
Ecofeminismwillbediscussedasausefulframeworkforunderstandingwomen'svulnerabilityinthecontextofrace,class,gender,disability,andpower.
TheauthorswillthenutilizeanecofeministapproachtodiscussSriLankanwomen'soppressionpre-andpost-tsunami.
172JournalofInternationalWomen'sStudiesVol.
16,No.
2January2015EcologyandFeminismHistoryIn1962,marinebiologistRachelCarsonsetthestageforlaterecofeministtheorywithherfamousbook,SilentSpring.
CarsonwroteSilentSpringinreactiontotheincreasedusageofthepesticideDDToncropsintheUnitedStates.
CarsondescribedinvividdetailhowDDTandotherpesticidesenteredthefoodchainandcausedseriousgeneticdamageinanimalsandhumans.
SeveralyearsfollowingCarson'sstandagainstchemicalpesticides,moreresearchontherelationshipbetweenwomenandnaturesurfaced(Boserup,1970).
ThetermecofeminismewascoinedbyFrenchfeministFranoised'Eaubonnein1974inheressay,LeFeminismeoulaMort[FeminismorDeath],withinwhichshearguedthatoverpopulationanddegradationofresourceswerethemostcriticalthreatstosurvival.
Shecalleduponwomentoleadanecologicalrevolutioninordertoturnaroundtheenvironmentaldestructionthatthreatenedthesurvivalofhumanity.
In1980,agroupofwomenorganizedthefirstnationalecofeministorganizationintheUnitedStates,WomanEarth,inAmherst,Massachusetts.
Theconferencediscussedtherelationshipamongfeminism,militarization,andenvironmentalism.
Ecofeministconceptscontinuedtoadvancethroughthe1980swithaseriesofconferencesthatpostulatedafeministenvironmentalethic(Warren,2000).
ThelinkbetweenwomenandnaturewasnotconfinedonlytotheWesternworld.
Throughoutmanycultures,womenjoinedinsolidaritytoprotectnaturefromabuseanddomination.
Forexample,intheearly1970s,agroupofIndianwomeninthesub-Himalayanregionunitedinasocial,ecologicalmovement,knownastheChipkomovement,topreserveforests.
Themovement,spearheadedprimarilybywomen,drewattentiontothestatusofwomeninsociety,particularlyarounddecision-makingprocesses(Jain,1984).
The"eco"inecofeminismreferstotheinfluenceofecologyontheecofeministmovement(Mellor,1997).
Thegreenmovementsubscribedtomanyofthesameecologicaltenetsasecofeminism.
Namely,bothadheredtothebasictenetofecology,whichwasthatalllivingthingsmustbeunderstoodinthecontextofthenaturalenvironmentinwhichtheyexisted.
Ecofeministssharedthegreenmovementperspectivethathumanitywasnotonlydependentonthephysicalenvironment.
Rather,allaspectsofthenaturalworld,includinghumanbeings,areconnectedandinterdependent.
Natureisreferredtobothasametaphysicalconcept,"mindofnature",andasthephysicalworld(Mellor,1997,p.
8).
Transpersonalecologyrequiresthatweacceptthathumansandnatureshareamutualconnection.
Adoptingthisworldviewbeginswithawarenessoftheselfandalsoofecology,aprocessMellor(2000)describesas"bothteleologicalandidealist,reachingforthe'cosmicmind'ofnature,atimelessessencerevealingitself"(p.
117).
EcofeministFrameworksAtthebroadestlevel,YnestraKing(1990)identifiedthatbothfeminismandecologyshareacommitmenttore-conceptualizingtherelationshipbetweenhumankindandnature.
Thereareavarietyofdifferentapproachestoexploringtherelationshipbetweenhumansandnatureandinterveninginthatrelationship.
Ecofeminismisafieldofstudythatisasvariedanddiverseasthefeminismsthatinformit.
AccordingtoMerchant(1996),liberal,cultural,social,andsocialistfeminismhavesignificantlyshapedthewayinwhichthehuman/naturerelationshiphasdevelopedtheoretically.
Inherdiscussionofecofeminism,Warren(2000)rejectstheWesternnotionoftheory,whichproposesasetofnecessaryandsufficientconditions.
Rather,shepresentsthemetaphorof173JournalofInternationalWomen'sStudiesVol.
16,No.
2January2015quiltingforthatoftheoryconception.
Sheexplainsthatthenecessaryconditionsforthetheorycomprisethebordersofthequilt.
Theborderdictatestheboundaryofthequilt,butleavesspaceforadiversegroupofquilterstocreatethedesignandpatternsofthequilt.
ThequiltthatinspiredWarren'smetaphorwascomprisedof:10,500panelsofindividualquilt-patchesthatrecordandcommemoratehumanliveslosttoAIDS—livesthatcollectivelyrepresentdifferentages,ethnicities,affectionalorientations,raceandgenderidentities,andclassbackgrounds.
Whileeachpatchisunique,whatthepatcheshaveincommoniswhatconstitutesthenecessaryconditionforinclusion…(p.
66-67)Unlikeanembroideredquilt,apatchworkquiltiscomprisedofindividualpiecesthatcontributetoagreaterwhole.
Eachpatchcouldstandaloneinitsownright.
Whenstitchedtogetherthecommonalitiesanddifferencesamongthepatchesareevident.
Thepatchesarenotcollapsedintoasingleview.
Rather,theyareunifiedbyasharedmissionandstrengthenedbythetensionsbetweenthem.
Flannery(2001)identifiestheculturalinclusivityofthequiltingmetaphorwhenshesays:"Quiltingisclosetothecenterofexperienceformanygroupsforwhomscienceisattheperipheryofexperience"(p.
640).
Inakeynoteaddressregardingfeminismandnaturaldisasters,Enarson(2007)discusseskeyissues"astoldthroughtheeyesofwomenwhohavebeenthroughdisasters"andintertwinesphotographsthroughout.
Astrikingpartoftheaddresswasthemyriadneedsofwomenexperiencingnaturaldisastersallovertheworld.
ThecompilationincludedapictureofawomeninIndia"usingharvestedrainwatercaughtinatank",anotherofawomaninSriLanka"siftingthroughseeds",oneofa"professionalAnglowoman'muckingout'herfloodedhouseinNorthDakota.
"Enarsonsewedthesepictures,reflectiveofpatches,intoherkeynoteonfeministperspectivesonwomenanddisaster.
Enarson'squiltincludedstoriesandpicturesfromwomenwhoseexperiencesconvergedanddivergedintermsofrace,ethnicity,geography,typeofdisaster,age,andothercontextualfactors.
Yet,theyallbelongedinthesamekeynotebecausetheyspoketoacollectivetheme,women'sresponsestonaturaldisasters.
Warren's(2000)quiltingmetaphorspeakstotheprocessbywhichthequilt,or,theory,isconstructedacrosstime.
Theory,Warrensays,"isnotsomethingstatic,preordained,orcarvedinstone;itisalwaystheoryinprocess"(p.
66).
TheauthorssupportWarren'squiltingmetaphorasonethatfitswiththeecofeministtradition.
Belowisadescriptionofthecentralfeministinfluencesonecofeminismandhowtheyhaveinformedtheecofeministframework.
Ecofeminismincludescultural,social,liberalandmaterialistepistemologiesandpositionsforsocialchange.
Aprimarymisconceptionisthatallbranchesofecofeminismespousepaganspiritualityandgoddessworship(Carlassare,2000).
Anothercommonbeliefisthatecofeministsbelievethatchangeoccurssolelythroughpersonalenlightenmentandheightenedawarenessregardingtheconnectionbetweenhumanityandnature.
Thesebeliefscomprisetheculturalecofeminismposition.
Aprimaryassumptionofculturalecofeministsisthatculturallyandhistoricallywomenhavebeenclosertonaturebecauseoftheirrolesinsociety,whicharecloselyconnectedtonature.
Forexample,physiologicallywomenbeartheeffectsofchildbirthandrearing,whichkeepsthemclosertothehomeandunabletotravelasfreelyasmen(Spretnak,1990).
Whileaspectsoftheculturalorientationcertainlycompriseanimportantcontributiontothequilt,theycertainlydonotreflectthequiltinitsentirety.
Materialistorientationscontributetotheecofeministframeworkdrivewithsuchassertionsas:"changesinrelationsofproductionand174JournalofInternationalWomen'sStudiesVol.
16,No.
2January2015socialandbiologicalreproductionare…thebasisforsocialchange"(Carlassare,2000,p.
90).
Unlikeculturalfeminism,asalientgoalofsocialistecofeminism(Mellor,1993;Merchant,1989;Salleh,1995)isnotonlytoanalyzerace,class,andgenderasfactorsofoppressionbutalsotocritiqueoppressivesystems,suchascapitalismandpatriarchy.
Acriticalargumentmadebysocialistecofeministsisthatbroadersystemsofoppressionaredestructivebothtowomenandtotheenvironment.
Socialistecofeminismalsoarguesthatknowledgeandnatureareconstructedwithinthesociopoliticalcontext.
Similarly,socialfeminists,highlyinfluencedbyMarxisttheory,believethatallknowledgeissociallyconstructed.
Knowledgeisconceivedthroughtheproductionofhumanbeings,whichmeansthatitisneitherneutralnorobjective.
Becausecapitalismisthevehicleforproduction,itprivilegestheinterestsofthedominantmajorityandintroducesbiasintoscienceandtechnologyadvances(Hesse-Biber,2011).
Therefore,socialandsocialistfeminismsrejecttheessentialistclaimspurportedbyculturalecofeminists,whichisaconsistentconcernthatfeministshaveraised.
Prentice(1988)extendedthisconcernovertwodecadesago,suggestingthatculturalecofeminismcreatesabinaryregardinghowmenandwomenrelatetotheenvironment.
Becausewomenaremorenaturallyintunewiththeenvironment,culturalecofeministssuggestthattheiractionsarebenign.
Merchant(1990)privilegesthematerialovertheculturalpositionwhenshesays:"Materialism,notspiritualism,isthedrivingforceofsocialchange"(p.
103).
Merchant(1996)explainsthatsocialistecofeminismrepresentsatransformationofsocialistecology.
Insteadoffocusingonproduction,socialistecofeminismfocusesonreproductionasthemeanstoasustainableworld.
SimilartoMarxism,socialistecofeminismunderstandsnatureasthematerialbasisofalllife.
Food,clothing,shelter,andenergyarenecessaryforindividualstosurvive.
Natureandsocietyaresociallyconstructedwithahistoricalcontextthatisshapedbypraxis(Merchant,1996).
Concurringwithsocialists,liberalecofeministsassertthatwomenwillonlycontributetoresolveenvironmentalissueswhentheyhaveequaleducationandemploymentopportunities(Merchant,1996).
Liberalecofeministsextendtheliberalparadigmtoconcernsaboutenvironmentalconservation.
EchoingCarson'sconcernsaboutpesticideusageandtheenvironment,liberalecofeministsarguethatenvironmentalproblemsstemmedinpartfromimproperlyregulatedpesticideusageandenvironmentalpollutants.
Additionally,theysuggestedthattheunrestraineddevelopmentofnaturalresourcesalsocontributedtoenvironmentalproblems.
Liberalecofeminismhasundergonesignificantcritique.
Morgan(1996)critiquesliberalfeminismforitsinattentiontothe"organicconnectionsbetweensexism,racism,classandhomophobiaandethnocentricbigotries,environmentaldegradationand,well,everythingelse"(p.
6).
SharingasimilarargumentasMorgan,MacKinnon(2005)arguesforacriticalexaminationofthebroadersysteminwhichliberalfeministsareseekingtogainentry.
Blackfeministshavehighlightedliberalfeminists'lackofattentiontowomenofdiverseraces,ethnicities,classes,andcultures(Mills,1998).
Culturalecofeminismhasalsobeencritiquedforfailingtoaddressissuesofraceandclass(Prentice,1988).
Insteadoffocusingonthefree-marketorthebroaderoppressivesocio-politicalsystemsofpower,culturalecofeministsfocusontheinfluenceofspiritualityonwomen'sempowerment.
Ancient,nature-basedspiritualreligionsthatlocateddivinitywithinecologyshapethespiritualdomainofculturalecofeminism.
Sandilands(1994)explainedthatinterconnectednesswasathemethatresonatedthroughoutthereligionstowhichculturalecofeministsweredrawn.
Forexample,"thegoddess,inmyriadforms,representsanultimatevisionofconnectedness"175JournalofInternationalWomen'sStudiesVol.
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2January2015(Sandilands,1994,p.
93).
Opposingtheseparatistworldviewendorsedbythedominantculture,culturalecofeministsargueforaninterconnectednessofalllife.
Althoughconnectednessisathemethroughouttheculturalbranch,thereisnodiscussionregardingtheconnectionbetweenwomen'sfightagainstoppressionandothersystems,suchastheeconomy.
ApplicationofanEcofeministFramework:Pre-andPost-TsunamiCarlassare(2000)discussesthelimitationsandbenefitsofinvokingataxonomyofecofeminism,encouragingindividualstobeself-criticalwhenemployingaparticularbranchoveranother.
Whilethesewordsofcautionarerelevantforanytheory,theyareespeciallysalientforecofeministtheory,whichhasbecomedichotomizedintomaterialandculturalframesofreference.
Warren's(2000)quiltingmetaphorallowsfortheintegrationofmanyperspectivesintoaunifiedwhole.
However,JanetBiehl(1991),ecologistandformerecofeminist,criticizedthediversityofperspectivesfoundinecofeminism,describingitastheoreticallyincoherent.
Shearguesthatecofeminists"tendtopridethemselvesonthecontradictionsintheirworksasahealthysignof'diversity'—presumablyincontrastto'dogmatic',fairlyconsistent,andpresumably,'male'or'masculine'theories"(p.
3).
WeweredrawnbothtoWarren'squiltingmetaphorandBiehl'sconcernforinternal,theoreticalconsistency.
Wedonotalignwithoneparticularbranchofecofeminism.
Rather,ourgoalistodrawfromadiversearrayofecofeministtraditionsinanefforttomakevisiblethetaken-for-grantedstructuresthatoppresswomenintheaftermathofnaturaldisaster.
Ouraimistoutilizeecofeministtheoriestounderstandthesociallyconstructedstructuresthatoppressandmarginalizewomenfromdiverseethnicbackgroundsandclasses.
Wechosethisparticulartheorybecauseofitscommitmenttopluralityofepistemologicalandideologicalapproaches.
SinceaprimaryfocusofanalysisincludessocialstructuresinSriLanka,wefounditespeciallyimportanttochooseatheorythatallowsforflexibilityinaddressingissuesofculture,gender,SES,andspirituality.
AlthoughecofeminismwasprimarilyconceptualizedintheWest,itisamovementwithworldwideinfluencesandconnectionsthatarevaluabletocross-culturaldiscussions(Carlassare,2000;D'Cruz,1990;Haraway,1988).
Pre-TsunamiVulnerabilityDuringthepastfortyyears,SriLankahasexperiencedseveraluprisingsintheSouthandacivilwarintheNorthernandEasternregionsofthecountry(Nebehay,2011).
Thetwenty-fiveyearSriLankancivilwarwasaconflictbetweentheLiberationTigersofTamilEelam(LTTE)andtheSriLankangovernmentovertheLTTE'sfighttocreateanindependentTamilstate.
Beginningin1983andendingwiththedefeatoftheLTTEin2009,thiswarpredatedthetsunamibyseveraldecadesandcontinuedforfiveyearsafteritsoccurrence(Nebehay,2011).
Theeffectsofthetsunamionwomenmust,therefore,beunderstoodinthecontextofwar.
ThecivilwarcausedsignificantdisruptionfortheSriLankanpopulation,namelyethnicallymarginalizedwomen(Nebehay,2011).
ThewarbetweenStateforcesandTamilseparatistgroups,ledbytheLTTEamassedcasualtiesamongtheSinhalesemajorityandthepredominantlyTamilsandMuslimminoritypopulations(Nebehay,2011).
Inherbookchapter,NamingtheCulturalForcesthatPushusTowardWar,ecofeministCharleneSpretnak(1983)makesacompellingargumentconcerningtheconnectionbetweenpatriarchyandthemilitarysystem.
Meninthissystemmustprovetheirmasculinitybydistancingthemselvesfromwomenandenduringviolence.
Warzonesareaspacewheremenuseviolenceagainstoneanothertomeetsocietalexpectationsofmanhood.
Spretnakarguesthatwarwill176JournalofInternationalWomen'sStudiesVol.
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2January2015continuetooccuruntilsocietiesaddressthegender-basedpoliticalandsocialpressures.
"Acknowledgingthecontextofpatriarchalconceptualizationsthatfeedmilitarismisafirststeptowardreducingtheirimpactandpreservingonearth"(Spretnak,1989,p.
54).
Deconstructingtraditionalunderstandingsofpatriarchyinvitesthecreationofamasculinitythatdoesnotreverepatriarchalhegemonyoverotherexpressionsofmanhood.
Warren(2000)demonstratesthesystemicnatureofwarbydescribingitasacircle;regardlessofwhereonestarts,onewillreturntothesameplace.
Shedescribeswarasaclosedsystemthatcontinuesunhealthyexpectationsandassumptionsofmenandwomeninthesociety(p.
211).
Warren'scirclemetaphorcombinedwithSpretnak'scritiqueonmasculinityprovideafullerpictureonwarfare,demonstratinghowwarfareiscreatedthroughtheinteractionofsocialinfluencesthatcallmentobeviolent.
InSriLankathesesocialinfluencesnotonlyencouragedviolencebutalsocreatedacontextofvulnerabilityforwomeninethnicminoritygroups.
DespiteSriLanka'shighregionalratingofwomen'sliteracyandhealth,internationalmonitoringgroupsandacademicshavelongnotedthegenderedinequalitythatexistswithinallofSriLanka'sethnicgroups(CentreforHumanitarianDialogue,2011).
Withinthecontextofthepoliticalwar,womenwereembroiledinasocialpatriarchythatlaidthefoundationforaseriesofriskfactorspresentbeforethetsunami.
Womenexperiencedalackofphysicalmobilityandfiscalindependence,whichplacedthematsignificantriskforviolence(Fothergill,1996).
Justificationforabuseagainstwomenoccursinlegal,police,andmedicalsystems(Carballoetal.
,2005).
Therewasaprevalenceofdomesticviolenceandpoliciesthatfavoredmenlongbeforethetsunami(Hussein,2000);withstudiesindicatingthat60%ofwomenareaffectedbydomesticviolence(Wijayatilake&Gunaratne,1999).
Fisher(2010)explorestheconnectionbetweensocietalacceptanceofviolenceagainstwomenandpre-tsunamiriskfactorsforwomen.
Sheexplainsthefeministbeliefthattherelationshipbetweensocietalacceptanceofviolenceandunequalgenderrelationshipsinfamilyandsocietyarethecausesofviolence.
Womenexistinginanenvironmentthatespousesviolenceagainstthematfamilyandsocietallevelsfacesignificantbarrierstoequitabletreatment.
Inequitabletreatmentinthefaceofanaturaldisasterislifethreatening.
Womenwhosurvivedthenaturaldisasterwerethenforcedtoovercomepost-disasterobstaclessuchasreconstructionanddevelopmentinthecontextofviolenceandinequityaswellaspoverty.
Warren(2000)suggeststhatecofeministspiritualitiesprovideanavenuebywhichwomencaninterveneinsuchpatriarchalsystems.
Specifically,anecofeministspiritualityprovidesapowerfullisteningtooltoanyone"will[ing]to'letgoofthedoor'todestructive,patriarchalbeliefsandbehaviors.
"Individualscreateaspaceforotherstobefullypresentwithoneanother.
Thespaceisnotmeanttofix,heal,orcureothers.
Rather,itisaspacewhereindividualscanconnectinadeepandmeaningfulway(p.
211).
Furthermore,thisspaceisapplicablenotjusttothegenderedcomponentoftheidentityofpeopleparticipatinginecofeministspirituality.
Rather,theopenspacecreatedisreminiscentofaninvitationforanyandalltoabandonbeliefsandbehaviorswhichoppressanddestroy.
WomenentrepreneursofNortheastSriLankabehavedinwaysthatpartiallyreflectedtheecofeministspiritualitythatWarrendescribes.
Ayadurai&Sohail(2006)conductedthefirststudyofitskind,analyzing200female,TamilentrepreneursineightdistrictsofNortheastSriLankawhobecameentrepreneursasaresultofwar.
WomenlivingintheNortheast,anarearavagedbywar,experienceddirectviolenceinwar.
Theyalsofoughtinthewar,engagingincombatandsuicidebombingwhentheirmalefamilymembershadbeenkilled.
Skilledandsuccessfulentrepreneurs,thedemographicprofileofwomenbusinessownersintheNortheastshowedthat177JournalofInternationalWomen'sStudiesVol.
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2January2015theirmotivationforentrepreneurshipwasinspiredinparttosupporttheirfamiliesandbeself-reliant.
Inthiscase,womenwerebothreinforcingthespaceofwarthatSpretnak(1989)describedbyengagingincombatwhilealsocreatingspacetobuildbusinessesandprovidefortheirfamilies.
Post-TsunamiOutcomesMajorgenderbiaseshavebeenexposedinseveralstudiesanalyzingSriLankanwomenintheaftermathofthetsunami.
Amongotherinequalities,womenwereexposedtoanincreasedriskinpartnerviolence(Houghton,Wilson,Smith,&Johnston,2010),sexualviolenceandreproductivechallenges(Carballo,Hernandez,Schneider,&Welle,2005),andcaregiverburdenfollowingthetsunami(Banford,Wickrama,Brown,&Ketring,2011;Enarson,2004).
ThesefindingssupportMileti's(1999)argument.
Thenaturalphenomenonhasdisastrouseffectsongroupsofpeoplewhoholdfewerresourcesthanothers.
Ahostofnotonlygenderedbutalsopoliticalhardshipsfollownaturaldisasters,whichplacesurvivorsatrisk(Ariyabandu&Wickramasinghe,2003;Wiestetal.
,1994).
ResearchonSriLankanwomen'soppressionhasfocusedonempiricalstudiesreportingthepsychological,physical,andmentalconsequencesofthenaturaldisaster.
Researchershavereliedprimarilyontheoriesofvulnerabilitytocontextualizetheempiricalfindings(Fisher,2010).
Amissinglinkintheliteratureisanintersectionalanalysisofthecreationandsustainmentofvulnerabilityforparticularpopulations,namelywomeninunderrepresentedcommunities(Quarantelli,1994;Wiestetal.
,1994).
Forexample,olderadultscompriseapopulationwithcomplexphysical,psychologicalandsocialneedsthatareoftenconflatedwiththeadultpopulation(Carballo,Heal,&Hernandez,2005).
Whenageisconceptualizedasanisolatedvariable,otheraspectsofolderadults'identitiesareeclipsed.
Age,disability,andSESwerefactorsthatimpactedindividuals'abilitytofleeduringthetsunamiandalsotorecoverinitsaftermath.
OlderadultswithlowSESwereatagreaterdisadvantagebecausethepooroftenlivedinareasathighriskoflandslidesandfloods(Carballo,Heal,&Hernandez,2005).
Aretrospectivecohortanalysisexamining3,533individualfrom859householdsobservedahighermortalityrateamongchildrenandtheelderly(Nishikiorietal.
,2006).
Fernandez,Byard,Lin,Benson,andBarbera(2002)explain:"Agedoesnotmakeapersonvulnerable.
Ratheritisthecorrelationbetweenadvancingageandthelikelihoodofhavingspecialneedsthatincreasesfrailty"(p.
68).
Aidagenciesfailedtoeffectivelyattendtothespecialmedicalneedsoftheelderly,whichpreventedmanyelderlyindividualsfromresumingmedicaltreatmentforchronicandacuteconditions.
Reliefpackageswerenottailoredtothedietaryrestrictionsoftheelderly,whichleftmanywithoutaccesstothespecializednutritiousdietthattheyneededtoremainhealthy.
Additionally,aiddistributionmustbetailoredspecificallyforanolderadultpopulation.
Eldersreportedthatyoungerpeopleusedphysicalforceagainstolderadultstoobtainfoodandothergoods(Mudur,2005).
Youngeradults,particularlywomen,werealsoatagreatdisadvantageduetogenderroleresponsibilities.
Houghton,Wilson,Smith,andJohnston(2010)arguethatwomenaregreatlyaffectedintheincidenceofdisasterduetogenderroleresponsibilities,employment,aswellaspre-existingpowerstructureswithinfamilies.
ThetypicaldivisionoflaborinSriLankanfamiliesincoastalregionsisformalepartnerstobeawayfromthehomewhilewomenandmothersremaininthehome(Malhotra&Mather,1997).
ThemajorityofemploymentoptionspresentforSriLankanmenareawayfromthehomeonfishingboats(EnvironmentalFoundationLimited,2006).
Womenwhoareinvolvedinthefishingindustryhaveastationaryroleinwaitingonshoreto178JournalofInternationalWomen'sStudiesVol.
16,No.
2January2015processthecatchesbutmanyalsostayinthehome.
Limitedmobilitywasalsoconnectedwiththeintimateroleofwomenascaretakersinthehome(Fothergill,1996).
Ultimatelywesuggestthattheserolesleftwomenvulnerabletoexperiencetheharshesteffectsofthetsunami.
Inattemptstosavechildrenandassistothers,manywomenlosttheirownlives.
Theauthorsobservethattherolesthatwomenfilled,oftenascaretakers,provideevidenceofunderlyingculturalandgender-ladenvalues.
Theinfluencesbehindtheserolesarenottobeoversimplifiedandmayincludepersonalchoice,butalsocomplexcompulsorycomponentsofthebroadersocialcontext.
Womenexperiencedeconomichardshipandinordinatelyincreasedcare-givingburdenafterthetsunami(Banfordetal.
,2011;Enarson&Meyreles,2004;Wilson,Phillips,&Neal,1998).
ManySriLankanwomenarefinanciallydependent.
Dillon(2000)arguesforananalysisofthepublicpolicythatfavorsmenfinancially.
Thesepoliticalsystemscreateaculturewherewomenmustremaindependentonmenforsurvival.
Forexample,manySriLankanwomenwhosehusbandsdiedinthetsunamiwereleftwithouttheirformerpropertybecauseofinhibitionunderSharialawprohibitingwomenfrompropertyinheritance(Carballoetal.
,2005).
Womenwhosepartnerssurvivedexperiencedinterpersonalstrugglesintheirrelationships,suchasviolenceagainstwomen,whichoccurredforweeksafterthetsunamistruck(Fisher,2010).
Inthetimeacutelysurroundingthetsunami,damagedinfrastructureimpactedreportingofabuseagainstwomen(Houghtonetal.
,2010).
However,aftermediacoveragereportedonviolentactsagainstwomenandgirls,includinggangrapeandmolestation,violencedecreasedincampsandtemporaryhousing(Fisher,2010).
Thereisalsoevidencetosuggestthatviolencewaslongstandingafterthetsunamiandwasassociatedwithothertsunamirelatedchallengessuchaspersonalinjury.
Forinstance,Banfordandcolleagues(2011)identifiedapositiveassociationbetweenincreasedmaritalconflictandviolenceandthedailyinterferenceofadisasterrelatedinjuryinSriLankanwomen3yearsafterthetsunami.
Theviolencethatoccurredafterthetsunamiwasnottheonlyareaofconcernforsurvivors.
Theneedsofsurvivorsvariedintermsofhousing(Boano,2009),physicalhealthproblems(Lim,Yoon,Jung,Kim,&Lee,2005),mentalhealthdistress(Ganesan,2006),andwomen'semploymentdisruption(Ruwanpura,2008b).
Amidsttheseseveralneedsandchallenges,theterrainofaidprovisionwasprecariouslysettledamidstawar,politicalunrest,andethnictensions(Boano,2009;Ruwanpura,2008a).
HumanitarianEffortsEvenamidstthecomplexitiesofaidingsurvivors,thetsunamiprecipitateddozensofreliefeffortsfrombothlocalandinternationalsources.
Humanitarianaidoccursbothwithinthecontextitisdevelopedandwhereitisdisseminated(Bakewell,2000).
ThiswascertainlyreflectedinthereliefeffortsprovidedtoSriLankansafterthetsunami.
Previousscholarshiphasindicatedthattheneedsofwomen,especiallypoorwomen,havebeenrelegatedorignoredinthedisasterreliefprocess.
Forexample,insomeinstancesasystemvaluingasingleheadofhousehold,whichtendstoprivilegemen,hasleftwomenwithoutbasicneedsbeingmet(Enarsonetal.
,2006).
ResearchevaluatedtheresourcesofferedinthemidstofSriLankaafterthetsunamiasinsufficientforwomen.
Forinstance,thebarrageofpsychosocialinterventionsfromindividualsandgroupsfromallovertheworldhasbeenstronglycritiquedwithregardtoculturalinsensitivityandalackoffocusoninstatinghealingprocesses.
Instead,interventionswereofferedinthesentimentof"carepackages"whichweredesignedwithoutinherentsustainability(Wickramage,2006,p.
167).
179JournalofInternationalWomen'sStudiesVol.
16,No.
2January2015Inadditiontogender,deSilva(2008)arguesthatethnicityhasbecomeasalientvariableintheaftermathofthetsunami,particularlywhenitisexaminedinthecontextofaiddistribution.
TenserelationshipsbetweenMuslimsandTamilsbeforethetsunamibegansetthecontextforhowrelationshipswerenegotiatedafterthetsunami.
PoliticallylesspowerfulMuslimcommunitiesinthecoastalareasofAmparaexperiencedinsurmountablesufferingincomparisontotheSinhaleseandTamils.
Theseindividuals,comprisinganethnicminoritygroup,werelesslikelytogarnerhumanitarianaid.
DeSilva(2008)foundthatnewmechanismsfordistributingaidinAmparacreatedfurtherethnicdivisionsintheregionsandmarginalizedimpoverishedcommunities.
Thefindingsinthisstudysupporttheargumentthatinterventionandpreventionworkmustbedonewithinthehistoricalandculturalcontextofthecommunity,accountingparticularlyforethnicandclassdynamicsatplay.
Ganesan(2006)discussedhowsome"possibleharmandproblems"resultedfrommanypost-tsunamipsychosocialinterventionsinthedistrictsofBatticaloa,Ampara,andTrincomalee(p.
241).
Thepositiverelationshipofperceivedcommunityparticipationinaidassociatesbothdirectlyandindirectlywithdecreasedmentalhealthdistressinmothersevenwhencontrollingforchallengespresentbeforethetsunamihit.
Indirectly,thisperceptionofcommunityinvolvementpredictedlowerlevelsofPTSDanddepressivesymptomsthroughthemechanismsofcollectivefamilyfunctioningandmentalhealthserviceutilization(Wickrama&Ketring,2012).
TheWorldHealthOrganization(2002)andtheWorldBank(Carlsson-Rex,Trohanis,&Svetlosakova,2011;2000)arechallengingtheneutralitywithwhichsocietyrelatestowomenpost-naturaldisaster.
Thereisalsoacallforfemaleparticipationinnaturaldisasterandpost-disastertransitionsofwhichgenderedanalysisisanimportantprerequisite(Carlsson-Rexetal.
,2011).
Ecofeministphilosophyfavorsthedevelopmentofsettingsandforumsforwomentohaveaspacetospeakandbeheard"speakingontheirownterms"(Murphy&Gaard,1998,p.
27).
Enarsonetal.
(2006)notesthatSriLankandisasterplanningandreliefeffortsoftenoverlooktheexpertiseandvaluablecontributionsofwomen,includingtheirsensitivityto"socioemotionalneedsofsurvivors"(Enarsonetal.
,2006,p.
137).
Someattemptstofosterthisparticipationhavebeenmadewithfemalesurvivorsofthe2004tsunami.
Forexample,Rees,Pittaway,andBartolomei(2005)describedtheirworkindeveloping"womantowoman"groupsinpost-tsunamiSriLanka,whichwascomprisedofsmallgroupsofwomenwhomettogetherandthenwithalargergroupofwomeninvolvedintheinitiativetodiscussideas.
Contentofthegroupsincludedsharingexperiencesofviolenceandabuseaswellasresilienceandthepromotionofsafety.
Suchamodalityofprovidingacontextforthevoiceofwomen'sresilienceandperspectiveiscriticalinhighlightingandaddressinggenderedstructuresthatenableviolencetocontinue.
Whenwomencontributetodecision-makingprocessesafternaturaldisasterssystemsofoppressioncanbegintobedismantled(Gaard,1993).
Alackofattentiontoresilience(Watters,2010),particularlymobilizationofthestrengthsofwomen,hascontributedtouninformedexternalaid.
Involvementofthelocalcommunityindisasterreliefaidrelatespositivelyforwomeninmentalhealthoutcomes.
Ruwanpura's(2008a)workonhousingaidresponsesinSriLankaechoedthecommitmenttoaidbeingdistributedwithinthecommunity'sculturalandsocialcontext.
Ruwanpura'sfieldworkafterthetsunamiincludedin-depthinterviewswithsurvivorsfacingtherestructuringandresettlementoftheirhomes.
Ruwanpurareferstothe"spacesofinequality"thatwereevidenceofthewayinwhichwarandethnictensionsarepartofthepoliticalfabricofSriLanka,suggesting180JournalofInternationalWomen'sStudiesVol.
16,No.
2January2015thatinattentiontothesocialfabricandcontextaswellastothepoliticalclimateinreliefeffortsisproblematic(2008a,p.
436).
Hyndman(2007)discussedsomeofthewaysinwhichreliefwasdisseminated,including"bufferzones"orareaswhererebuildingwasinhibitedtopromotepublicsafety.
Thesezonesactuallycreatedfeelingsofdiscriminationandanxiety(p.
361).
Inotherwords,thetacticaluseofthesecuritizationoffearasapoliticalresourceinSriLankahasresultedinthepotentialforhumanitarianreliefeffortstogeneratefearandmistrustiftheyarenot"conflict-sensitive"(p.
361).
Thevalueandefficacyofreliefeffortsinnaturaldisastersyieldamixedappraisalofhelpandharm.
Ruwanpura(2008b)highlightedthegenderedchallengesthatfacedwomenastheynavigatedlivelihoodstrategiesafterthedisaster.
Forthesewomenthepoliticaleconomyhadanimpactonthisprocess,yieldingithighlycomplex.
DeSilva(2008)stronglyadvocatedforoutsideaidproviderstocollaboratewithlocalnetworksandgroupstoprovideservicesinpost-disastercommunities.
Thissuggestionmaybeextendedtootherregionsimpactedbythetsunami.
Collaborationwithlocalgroupsallowsforresearcherstogainfirsthandknowledgeaboutaspectsofculturalcompetencethataremostsalienttowomen'smentalhealthneedsatthetimeofthetsunamiandlater.
ImplicationsfortheEcofeministSocialJusticeProjectWarren'smetaphoroftheoryasapatchworkquiltishelpfulindiscussingtheinterrelatednessofresearch,theory,andpraxis,specificallywhencreatinganecofeministsocialjusticeagenda.
Ifweconceptualizethatthequiltwearecreatingisoneofecofeministsocialjustice,theremustbeaborderthatrepresentsnecessaryconditionsforpatchestobesewnintothequilt.
Wesupposethatreflexive,intersectionalmethodologyisacriticalpartoftheborder,representinganecessaryconditionthatallpatchesmustfulfill.
Operatingwithinafeministethicdemandsareflexiveresearchprocess.
AccordingtoFook(2002)reflexivityisa"stanceofbeingabletolocateoneselfinthepicture"(p.
43).
Reflexivityisamorecomplexprocessthanmerelybeingreflective.
Whenoneisreflexive,itispossibletounderstandthemultiplewaysinwhichone'sworldviewandknowledgearecreatedandinfluential.
YnestraKing(1983)discussedthecentralityoftheoryandpracticetoecofeminismwhenshesaid:"ecofeminismisabouttheconnectednessandwholenessoftheoryandpractice"(p.
10).
Ecofeminismisregardedassocialandpoliticalmovementthatconceptualizestheoppressionofwomenandnatureasrelated,dualphenomena.
Merchant(1996)describesthediverseecofeministapproachesutilizedtoconnecttheoryandpractices.
Approachesvaryinwhatisheldasmostsalient,reflectingtheparticularfeministtraditionthatunderpinsit.
Regardlessoftheparticularfeministniche,mostecofeminists:"advocatesomeformofanenvironmentalethicthatdealswiththetwinoppressionsofthedominationofwomenandnaturethroughanethicofcareandnurturethatarisesoutofwomen'sculturallyconstructedexperiences"(p.
7).
Inherpaper,Towardanecofeministethic,Warren(1988)arguedthatanecofeministethic"notonlyrecognizesthemultiplevoicesofwomen,locateddifferentlybyrace,class,age,[and]ethnicconsiderations,itcentralizesthesevoices"(p.
151).
Inalaterwork,Warren(2000)describedtheecofeministethicas"care-sensitiveethics",bothbuildinguponearlierworkonandsettingitapartfromtheconcept,ethicofcare.
Warrenlikenscare-sensitiveethicstothatofabowlcomprisedofadiverserangeoffruit.
Onepieceoffruitisnobetterorworsethananyother.
Rather,eachpieceoffruitcontainsuniquequalitiesthatareappropriateforparticularcookingneeds.
Thearrayofethicalprinciplesin181JournalofInternationalWomen'sStudiesVol.
16,No.
2January2015Westernphilosophyislikethearrayoffruitinthebowl.
However,notallethicalprinciplesareeligiblecandidatesforentryintothebowl.
Ethicalprinciplesmustmeettheminimumcriteriaofcare-sensitiveethics,whichincludeaccountingforemotionalaswellasrationalintelligenceandcontextualizingindividuals'experiencesratherthanpositinguniversalessentials.
Situatinggenderattheintersectionofrace,class,age,anddisabilitystatusincludesthemultiplicityofvoicesthatmayotherwiseremainabsentfromthebodyofliterature(Collins,1990).
Ecofeministswouldextendthisargumentandsuggestthatthesecontextualvariablesmustbestudiedwithinthecontextoftheenvironmentinwhichindividualslive.
Exploringtheenvironmentalcontextisespeciallyimportantintheaftermathofanaturaldisasterasindividualsaredisplacedandimpactedunequally.
Adoptingareflexivepraxisrequiresthatknowledgeisfluidandcontextdependent,morphingthroughpractice,relationship,perception,andobservation(Bourdieu&Wacquant,1992).
EnarsonandMeyreles's(2004)reviewongenderrelationsindisastercontextsdiscussestherelationshipamonggendertheorization,publicpolicy,andpracticalapproachestodisastermanagement.
Thedominantrepresentationsofwomenas"tearful,beleaguered,andoverwhelmed"victimsandmenas"sturdyandresourceful"thatoncedominatedtheliteraturehavegivenwaytosocialvulnerabilityconceptualizationsofnaturaldisastersurvivorsandvictims(p.
49-50).
Theauthorsfoundthatgenderanddisasterstudiesoftenfailatprovidinganintersectionalanalysisofgenderandclass,caste,race,ethnicity,age,andphysicalabilities.
EnarsonandMeyreles(2004)illustratedtheregionalthemesininternationalgenderanddisasteranalysiswithatablecomparinghighlydevelopedandlessdevelopednations.
Themajorthemesonwhichtheyreportedwere:howthedisasterwasanalyzed,howgenderwasanalyzed,levelofanalysis,anddisasterphaseemphasized.
Highlyandlessdevelopednationshadmanydivergentapproachestotheseresearchthemes.
Researchersstudyingunderdevelopedcountriestendtoexploregenderasoneofmanyfactorscouchedinthepolitical,social,andculturalcompositionofthesocialenvironment.
Highlydevelopednationsrarelyutilizegroupsandorganizationsasalevelofanalysisindisastereventswhereaslessdevelopednationsfrequentlyusegroupsasthelevelofanalysis.
Additionally,highlydevelopednationsrarelyemphasizetheconstructionofsocialvulnerabilitiestohazardsandlessdevelopednationsfrequentlyemphasizethisphase.
Developednationsrarelyinquiredaboutwomen'scopingstrategies/capacitieswomen'seconomicactivities/gendereddivisionsoflabor,womenasenvironmentalresourcemanagers/users,andwomen'ssocial-psychologicalhealthwhereaslessdevelopednationsfrequentlyinquiredaboutthesetopics.
Interestingly,developednationsoccasionallyinquireaboutviolenceagainstwomenindisastercontextswherelessdevelopednationsrarelyinquireaboutthistopic(Enarson&Meyreles,2004).
ConclusionEcofeminismisatheorythatcomplimentsresearchonvictimizationsofindividualsafteranaturaldisaster.
Highlightingthesocialconstructionsofwomen'spracticesindailylifepriortothetsunamiisoneentrypointintounderstandingtheintersectionsofSriLankanwomen'svulnerabilityafterthetsunami.
Notingthepresenceofsomediscriminatorygenderstructuresthatpre-datedthetsunamiandbecamemorevisibleintheaftermath,itisclearthatfemalevictimizationisnotanovelconceptinSriLanka.
Whenwomen'sresponsestothetsunamiareconceptualizedwithanintersectionalframe,itbecomesclearthatmarginalizedcommunitiesexperiencemorenegativeconsequencesthanthosewithgreatersocialcapital(Enarson&Morrow,1998).
182JournalofInternationalWomen'sStudiesVol.
16,No.
2January2015Despitetheimpactofnaturaldisasteronwomen,thesocialscienceliteraturerenderswomen,especiallyeldersandwomenofcolor,virtuallysilentinthefaceofnaturaldisaster.
Thissilenceservestoprivilegeotherdiscoursesoverthoseofwomen.
Thereisasocialenvironmentthatsilencesandvictimizeswomen;researchersmaybegintoexplorethatbyconceptualizingnaturaldisasterwithinanecofeministframework.
WhiletheauthorsfocusspecificallyoneffectsofthetsunamionSriLankancommunities,anecofeministframeworkmayalsobeusefulinotherculturalandecologicalcontexts.
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